This really applies to all the rightwing moral panics. Political correctness, cancel culture, wokeness: Much of the anxiety that fuels these reactionary crusades stems from the fact that white people - white men, in particular - face a little more scrutiny today than in the past.
#metoo is another excellent example for this dynamic: As soon as traditionally marginalized groups gain enough power and enough of a platform to make their demands for respect and accountability heard, certain white people / men start bemoaning “persecution.”
Important to note that it’s really just the *threat* of scrutiny, the *potential* of being held to account that is enough to cause the next round of reactionary panic. In practice, the power structures that have traditionally defined American life have unfortunately held up fine.
Never forget that the “This has gone too far!” backlash started about two minutes after the actual #MeToo movement received broad public attention. The “Where is this all going to end?!” pseudo-argument, put forward in pure bad faith, is always part of the reactionary playbook.
It’s clear that the anxieties underlying these reactionary moral panics are shared not just among conservatives. There’s a whole universe of white male centrist / liberal pundits who are almost exclusively dedicated to fighting back against these supposed dangers from the “Left.”
These moral panics appeal to the white (male) mainstream because the threat to elite impunity is real - put simply, “pc,” #metoo, “cancel culture,” and “wokeness” have made it slightly more likely that people get into trouble for racist, misogynistic, disrespectful behavior.
You can see why white men with a big public platform from across the political spectrum see “persecution” where I see progress: If you believe you are entitled to say and do whatever you want without legal or cultural sanction, then “leftist” activism really is a threat.
When thinking about and debating these moral panics, it’s crucial we recognize that they can tell us something important about America and our present – but it’s not what conservatives want to hear.
The challenge is to take these moral panics seriously – without perpetuating the rightwing framing around these issues. Never mistake the fact that lots of people are decrying “wokeism” and “cancel culture” as proof that those are the defining characteristics of our current era.
We should also try to avoid portraying the frequent moral panics as an inevitable reaction to a radicalization on the Left. Here’s an excellent thread by @LarryGlickman analyzing the pitfalls of such “backlash” narratives.
As @LarryGlickman argues, the “backlash” narrative conveniently removes the agency of those engaging in this sort of backlash politics. It also suggests that such “backlash” is at least somewhat justified is response to too much change, too fast, too radical.
What’s the alternative? How about conceptualizing the moral panic as something that is only formed and constructed through the act of decrying “wokeism,” “cancel culture,” etc? Couldn’t we argue that “anti-wokeism” has been the status quo ante in American politics and society?
Furthermore, we should examine the political project that’s behind these recurring moral panics, the energies and anxieties that are being channeled, and the political objectives of those that are engaging in these crusades.
And I suggest we should focus on the uses and usefulness of the ideas of “political correctness,” wokeism,” and “cancel culture,” the function they fulfill, and why they are so attractive to so many people – and not just on the right.
This is where the historical perspective is helpful because it allows us to step back from the frenzy of our current struggles and gain some analytical distance. The comparison to the “political correctness” craze of the late 80s / early 90s is particularly instructive here.
There are several excellent threads by @SethCotlar that dissect the “political correctness” debates and outline what they were all about:
And this @yourewrongabout episode provides the most incisive, most illuminating take on the anti-"Political Correctness" hysteria of the late 80s / early 90s, and the recurring rightwing moral panics in general. open.spotify.com/episode/6N2Snh…
What these debates are actually about is power, status, and respect (who gets/deserves it, and who doesn’t). Calling something “pc” was an attempt to discredit the claims of traditionally marginalized groups for respect.
Not coincidentally, it happened when those traditionally marginalized groups had gained enough political and cultural power to make their claims heard and extract a cost for the way other groups in society talked about and treated them.
These are conflicts over who gets to determine what is and what is not accepted and acceptable in a society – and as @SethCotlar argues, there are a lot of similarities and continuities between the anti-wokeness and earlier attempts by privileged groups to defend their position.
At its core, the wokeness-cancel culture discourse is the latest iteration of the conservative / elite struggle to stave off and discredit certain long-term political, social, and cultural developments and changes that they perceive as threatening.
We’re looking at the latest iteration of a society’s struggles to come to terms with those ongoing changes. As such, the rightwing moral panics are useful as a window into those conflicts. But let’s not mistake them as an adequate description of U.S. politics and culture today.

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More from @tzimmer_history

15 Jul
Here’s the thing: Many scholars and observers saw this clearly and spent the entire Trump era trying to get America’s civic and political institutions to acknowledge the threat and act accordingly - while constantly being derided by the Very Serious Pundit class as “alarmists.”
When it comes to the authoritarian threat to democracy - and the anti-democratic radicalization amongst conservatives in general - the “alarmists” have been right every step of the way. A lot of self-proclaimed Very Serious People should really grapple with that fact in earnest.
The issue is that those who actively worked to obscure the threat to democracy with their anti-alarmism - whether or not they fully understood that’s what they were doing - are still shaping the political discourse going forward. And few have engaged in sincere introspection.
Read 18 tweets
12 Jul
Here’s @ThePlumLineGS making a strong argument for why Democrats need to accept and set out to win the culture wars.

I’ll add some general thoughts on the idea that “kitchen table issues” can be separated from “culture war stuff,” to which too many Democrats still cling. 1/
The column outlines many of the reasons why ignoring the culture wars dimension is doomed to fail, as a matter of political strategy, in a situation in which the GOP, aided by the rightwing propaganda machine, is guaranteed to succeed in making it a salient issue. 2/
Aside from the question of political strategy, many in the Democratic camp seem to be basing their insistence to focus solely on socio-economic and financial matters on an analytical error: the idea that those “kitchen table issues” can be separated from the culture wars. 3/
Read 16 tweets
11 Jul
Progress.

It is never inevitable, never irrevocable, never linear. It is always the result of difficult struggles that often involve heavy losses, and it always comes too late for so many people who would have deserved better.

But it is possible. This, here, is progress.
Yesterday was a good day at Charlottesville. And a good day for America.
A great thread on the history being made at Charlottesville yesterday.
Read 4 tweets
8 Jul
In this important column, @ezraklein emphasizes the need to question certain pervasive myths about American democracy. I would like to add some thoughts from a historical perspective – on a democracy that never has been yet: 1/
Even after four years of Trump, even after the insurrection of January 6, the animating principle for too many Democratic officials and liberals more broadly seems to be that “It cannot happen here.” 2/
American democracy can no longer afford this mix of willful ignorance and naive exceptionalism. It absolutely can happen here – and in many ways, an authoritarian victory would constitute a return to the historical norm. 3/
Read 53 tweets
5 Jul
“What the hell happened to her?” suggests that Haley and, by extension, Republicans in general have recently lost their way. Better to acknowledge that everything we’re seeing is well in line with longstanding anti-democratic, authoritarian tendencies on the American Right.
That doesn’t mean that Republicans haven’t changed the way they talk, the way they present themselves. Many have. And these shifts on the level of rhetoric and style were, to some extent, inspired by Trump.
I reflected on Haley’s embrace of “brawler politics,” specifically, here:
Read 9 tweets
1 Jul
Appreciate the sentiment - but I’m really hoping that a) we’re not seriously still debating *if* #SCOTUS is an impediment to progress, and that b) we can all acknowledge that impeding progress towards multiracial democracy has been the historical norm for the Supreme Court.
Seriously, the widespread view among Liberals of #SCOTUS as an ally in the fight for a more democratic, fairer society stems entirely from a romanticized understanding of the Court’s history, misconstruing the Warren Court as the norm, when really that era was a massive outlier.
Whenever you bring up the fact that SCOTUS has, as a historical norm, been allied far more often with an anti-democratic, reactionary political project, someone will inevitably yell “But what about this decision? Or that decision?!”
Read 12 tweets

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