.@krystalball and @esaagar seemed genuinely surprised that there are many Cuban Americans who would be willing to risk their lives to free their homeland if it came to that. They may want to try Googling: "Brigade 2506."
The use of force should always be a last resort, but if we're speaking in hypotheticals, of course many would support such an effort if needed.
It's easy to be dismissive of this when you've never lost your country to communism or when you haven't had family members executed.
That said, there's a lot that should be done short of boots on the ground, but it seems like @krystalball, @esaagar and @ggreenwald (who's a mouthpiece for LatAm leftists like Lula, Morales, etc.) know little about U.S. policy toward Cuba. So, let me walk you through it:
Regime change *IS* the goal of US policy. It's been America's policy for most of post-1959 history. It's literally codified into law.
Our goal is a free Cuba with free elections, labor unions, no political prisoners and respect for human rights. That's it.
America's doesn't seek to co-exist with a communist dictatorship 90 miles away; it's to have freedom in Cuba.
This is both federal law and our aspiration. If you agree, then everything else is a debate over tactics, processes, and methods.
Our current methods include sanctions (aka what's commonly known as "the embargo"), aid to civil society and pro-democracy dissidents, and initiatives like TV and Radio Marti. Good people can disagree on these policy details.
Personally, I have nuanced views. I believe some sanctions are more effective than others. We need a more multilateral approach. I also think there's a lot more we could do to facilitate technology to the Cuban people and to support dissidents.
The Castro regime has no moral standing to object to this. Their July 26 revolution was heavily armed and financed from abroad (thx to NYTimes puff pieces by Herbert Matthews).
Cubans are unarmed and need our help. They have few ways to defend themselves from a Stalinist regime.
Cuba sends agents and troops abroad to spread communism, destabilize democracies, bolster Venezuela's cruel dictatorship, and undermine U.S. interests. If we're discussing "America First," allowing a Trump-designated State Sponsor of Terrorism to flourish isn't exactly it.
Cuba also leases out its medical professionals as slave workers. @ggreenwald should know this well because his socialist Brazilian pal Lula — who he pushes for in the U.S. — was one of the Cuban regime's top clients. In short, this is a horrible anti-American dictatorship.
If you believe the Castros should stay in power, or that we should do nothing to hasten their demise, then say it clearly.
It's morally asinine, but it's a lot more honest than pushing LatAm leftist talking points under the guise of MAGA — oh, and, vai se foder, Glenn!🤡
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THREAD: "Revolución" was trending, so I thought I should help my fellow Americans understand how the Cuban regime requires and pressures its people, particularly students, to attend these fake pro-dictatorship rallies.
They want to control everything that happens inside their country. It's the only LatAm country that hasn't signed up for COVAX, a global vaccine effort with 190 countries. elnuevoherald.com/noticias/mundo…
According to this @elnuevoherald article from February: The Cuban government is not even purchasing vaccines from its allies, like Russia.
Medicine is a huge business and propaganda talking point for the Cuban dictatorship. They don't want to signal their system is inadequate.
It’s worth noting that a lot of Cuban Americans were smeared as “racists” and “conspiracy theorists” by members of the media for correctly noting last year that BLM the org is a Marxist group. They will never receive an apology.
The idea that the Cuban regime is going to voluntarily transfer power is a fantasy. Regime topplings in Cuba have happened in the following ways:
1) Outside forces (1898, US help) 2) Military / Coup (1933 & 52, Machado & Batista) 3) Mass Uprising (1933 & 1959, Machado & Castro)
2021 Cuba is very different than 1959 & 1933 Cuba.
The biggest diff is that the Cuban people are unarmed. In 1933, the student groups that led uprisings resulting in Machado's ousting by the military had guns.
Castro had both guns and international $$$ (thx to the NYTimes).
There is strong support on the island now for toppling the Castro regime. Cubans are tired of living in misery and the only thing they thought (bc of propaganda) they had going for them (health care) has collapsed.
But an unarmed popular uprising faces serious hurdles.
The images that are coming out of Cuba are, in fact, being amplified by Cuban Americans — but they're coming from Cubans who live on the island. None of us do this for money.
Also, at this point, disillusionment with the regime is widespread.
It's difficult to gauge public opinion on the island. Polling is strictly banned. It's been done clandestinely before, and even in 2015 (when econ was better), Raul Castro was divisive and a plurality of Cubans had a negative view of Fidel Castro.
That's only gotten worse.
There are good people on both sides of the Cuba policy debate in South Florida.
The notion that exiles' interests in Cuba are driven by $ is just silly. If anything, the economic interests that support normalization far exceed the traditional Cuban exile community's.
I'm often asked about "Wet Foot Dry Foot," and in discussing it, I find misconceptions, so here's a quick recap:
WFDF was a policy of the Clinton Administration in the 1990s to address the Cuban rafter crisis of 1994. It was supposed to be temporary but lasted until 2017.
Here's how it worked: If a Cuban stepped foot on US soil, regardless of how they entered, they could stay.
Pres. Obama ended this policy in his final days in office in 2017; Pres. Trump did not reinstate it.
Cuban Americans are divided on it. This is from FIU's 2020 poll:
The law provided relief to many Cubans fleeing Castro, but it had unintended consequences. It incentivized human trafficking, thousands died at sea, and it inadvertently relieved internal pressure on the Cuban regime. How? Bc those most likely to flee are most likely to dissent.