Fascinating comparative analysis from LF Mantilla: "[C]entralized, hierarchical faith communities are more likely to resist aligning themselves with political parties than their decentralized, egalitarian counterparts." (1/n) washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/…
"Catholicism has not always avoided partisanship. The Catholic Church spent much of the late 19th and early 20th centuries fighting partisan battles against a diverse array of nationalist, liberal and socialist opponents." (2/n)
"These conflicts were often devastating for the church, leaving it marginalized or entangled with brutal dictators, as happened in Spain with Gen. Francisco Franco or in Argentina during the so-called 'Dirty War.'" (3/n)
So much of what we see -- the Vatican pushback against the communion doc, the limitation of the old form of the Mass -- seems like an effort of this sort on the part of Rome to keep right-wing ideologues from wrecking US Catholicism more than they already have. (4/4)

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More from @ChrisPolPsych

12 Jun
I don't agree with all of the arguments here, but it is an interesting read that points to the complexity of public opinion and the extent to which actual behavioral trends may operate separately from political discourse. Some random thoughts: (1/n) noahpinion.substack.com/p/the-social-c…
Social conservatism as a political tendency is first and foremost a kind of identity politics -- it's about who gets recognition, who is in and who is out, and who should be dominant. (2/n)
In the US among White people, it's also bound up with a lot of identity competition that has little to do with religion or sex in philosophical terms, i.e., racial attitudes and racial backlash. (3/n)
Read 17 tweets
10 Jun
Good thread from @robfordmancs; I concur that social media might accentuate diffs in ideological conformity b/w the more vs less politically engaged, given that elites, activists, pundits, & the engaged in general are more likely on social media. (1/n)
In this vein, we know from work by Groenendyk et al (2020) that priming ideological norms can increase expression of ideologically-constrained opinions. We might very reasonably assume that the social networks of the engaged do a lot of this. (2/n) papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
The "context collapse" feature of social media may worsen this, insofar as diff ideological subcultures' esoteric practices & views may become more visible to outsiders than they were in the past, amplifying perceived ideological differences. (3/n)
Read 7 tweets
29 Apr
A related comment: there's something to the argument that conservatism is more of a temperament than an abstract ideology. But how does temperament get fleshed out in practical terms? (1/n)
The notion of conservatism as cautious, limit-seeking temperament is certainly consistent with at least one stream of research on personality and politics, e.g., (2/n) annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.114…
...a characterization that is nevertheless subject to various social and historical contingencies, as Ariel Malka and I show here, e.g., (3/n) onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.11…
Read 21 tweets
28 Apr
It is realities of this sort that complicate any simple narrative about political messaging on inequality. I used the (not new) term 'environmental racism' here, but it might be too jargony for mass communications. But then: how do you talk about problems like this? (1/n)
In this vein, the Kalla & English (2021) study was well done and comports with prior studies. I don't dispute it & I think it is relevant for communications about *some* things. But many issues require you to confront race, and you can't message your way out of doing so. (2/n)
Indeed, this is broadly true, given just how interwined economic and racial inequality are in this country. There's certainly a conversation to be had about avoiding jargon or trendy terms when discussing racial inequality and finding the best way to talk about it. (3/n)
Read 4 tweets
21 Apr
What I keep coming back to is that the modern 'conservative' ideological framework -- crystallized under Reagan -- more or less collapsed during GW Bush's second term. (1/n)
By 'ideological framework,' I have in mind the conservative elite consensus behind Reaganism: laissez faire economics, muscular foreign policy, and traditional values. (2/n)
The Great Recession and its aftermath (along with long-term growth in inequality as a function of education, professional status, etc) discredited the small-government ethos, which has struggled to contend with the resulting challenges. (3/n)
Read 13 tweets
2 Apr
Here are some results for the white subsample only. Note that the ideology measure = ideological self-placement, so symbolic rather than operational ideology in these models and the earlier ones. (1/n)
Racial resentment, white respondents only: (2/n)
Stereotype difference (i.e., attributing more neg traits to Black Americans vs White Americans), white respondents only: (3/n)
Read 6 tweets

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