94% of criminal convictions in state court are the result of guilty pleas. It’s 97% in federal court.
Why would 94-97% of criminal defts waive their right to trial and plead guilty?
Understanding the answer to that question is key to diagnosing how broken the system is.
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The reality is that prosecutors can put enormous pressure on criminal defendants to plead guilty. Here’s how:
At the beginning of 2020, about 2.2 million people were in jails and prisons in the United States.
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About 550,000 of those prisoners were being held prior to trial—meaning they were being held in jail even though they had not been convicted of anything.
How does that happen, you might wonder?
Typically it happens because poor people are unable to make even modest bail.
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Jailing people prior to trial is a powerful prosecutorial tool to obtain guilty pleas. It can take many months—even years—to get your case to trial. So being denied bail means sitting in jail for an extended time waiting for your day in court to prove your innocence.
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After the defendant spends a few months in jail awaiting trial, a prosecutor can offer the defendant the opportunity to plead guilty to a relatively minor felony charge and be sentenced to time served OR reject the plea and sit in jail for many more months awaiting trial.
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For the poor man who could not make even modest bail, the prospect of many more months in jail awaiting trial could be financially devastating for the defendant and/or his family. And so the defendant faces enormous pressure to take the plea deal.
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Denial of bail, however, is not the factor that creates pressure to plead guilty.
In recent decades, mandatory minimum sentences and increased maximum sentences have become a key tool for obtaining guilty pleas.
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Prosecutors can—and do—threaten to charge a defendant with numerous offenses with mandatory minimums that will run consecutively and generate a grossly unjust total sentence (often life) . . . OR . . .
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the offer the defendant the chance accept a plea deal in which the prosecutor agrees to drop the charge(s) with the mandatory minimum in return for the defendant pleading guilty to some lesser charge with a lower sentence.
Imagine the pressure this creates to plead guilty.
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But wait, there’s one more piece to how this works.
While the Constitution guarantees that a defendant who can’t afford an attorney must be provided one by the government, states pay those private attorneys an extremely small amount of money to take those cases.
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In Alabama, an appointed attorney for an indigent criminal defendant is reimbursed only up to a maximum of $4,000 for a serious felony. In New York, it’s $4,400. These small amounts only make sense if not much work is required because the defendant is going to plead guilty.
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A lawyer receiving only $4,000 for a case isn’t going to make a living taking that case to trial, which would require hundreds of hours of work. And so the system puts financial pressure on even the defense lawyer to recommend that the defendant plead guilty.
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Often, however, defendants have no sense of how a guilty plea to even relatively minor felony offenses can have devastating and enduring consequences on their lives—on their employment prospects, on their ability to obtain public assistance, child custody, etc.
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This may not bother you if you assume those who are charged are guilty.
But why would we assume that?
Prosecutors are not omniscient. The constitutional method to determine guilt is a trial. And we know as fact that defts accept guilty pleas even when they are innocent.
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If you doubt that innocent people plead guilty when faced with the type of pressure described, check out this case:
Police officer made up criminal charges out of thin air and dozens of defendants pled guilty. Why would they do that? Because of the the pressure to accept guilty pleas.
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Is what I am describing here the aberration or the rare case.
I’ll ask this question again: why would 94-97% of defendants waive their right to trial?
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Still doubting?
Here’s a study showing that, of 2,832 convicts later exonerated, 589 had pled guilty.
Pled guilty to crimes they didn’t commit.
Why would people plead guilty to crimes they did not commit? See above me.
During the last two weeks, I read the book "Reparations" by @dukekwondc and @_wgthompson. I also read, and re-read, the review of that book by @RevKevDeYoung. A few thoughts: 🧵
First, the book was excellent. Deeply researched, both with regard to American racial and theological history. I also thought it wise that the book avoided making definitive pronouncements about what we must do, acknowledging that the issue is complex in application.
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Second, I found surprising DeYoung's central argument--that too much time has passed to make reparations. This was an unusual argument given the historical facts. Convict leasing (called "slavery by another name") continued well into the 1900s.
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I've seen a number of people claiming our education system is just fine when it comes to history because we teach kids about "slavery" and "racism."
Well, my history education was not fine: A 🧵
I grew up in the northeast. I went to a public high school. I have a college degree, a masters-level seminary degree (with an emphasis in church history), and a law degree (from a top 25 law school). Here are *some* of the things I never learned about:
1. Nobody ever told me about lynching, much less its purpose (intimidate blacks out of voting), its frequency (at the peak, in 1892, averaging 4+ a week), the horror (burning alive, cutting off fingers and toes as souvenirs, pregnant women), or the spectacle (1000s of observers).
Wild story about the 1898 white supremacist coup in Wilmington, NC: a 🧵
In 1885, a small group of members from First Baptist Church of Wilmington started a Sunday school class in a vacant store owned by the Police Chief John Melton.
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That small Sunday school class grew quickly and, in 1886, was organized as Brooklyn Baptist Church of Wilmington. The first worship service of this new church was held on Apr 4. In Nov 1893, the church called as its pastor the Rev. John W. Kramer.
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In Nov 1898, white supremacists in Wilmington rigged the election of county officials and then violently overthrew the existing city government. Rev. Kramer was a significant participant in the riot and overthrow of the city government.
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If your grandparents robbed a bank and bequeathed the stolen money to your parents who then bequeathed it to you, would you (if you are a Christian) believe that you had a moral obligation to repay the inherited money to the bank? Even though you didn’t rob the bank?
In 1898, 73% of revenue of state of Alabama was derived from convict leasing. It was stolen money. Which means that whatever assets the state government of Alabama holds *today* were obtained in part with stolen money. Is there a moral obligation to give the money back?
I don’t need the story of Zacchaeus to understand that. I can get that from the Eighth Commandment.
I listened to a podcast this week hosted by a conservative at a prominent DC think tank with a large following. He claimed that MLK didn’t believe the US was systemically racist. His evidence for this claim was King’s 1963 “I Have a Dream” speech.
Actually . . .
“White Americans must recognize that justice for black people cannot be achieved without radical changes in the structure of our society.” — #MLK (Where Do We Go from Here? 1968)
“The problems of racial injustice and economic injustice cannot be solved without a radical redistribution of political and economic power.” — #MLK (speech to the SCLC board, Mar. 30, 1967)
A 🧵 about today’s SCt opinion concerning the Voting Rights Act:
For nearly a century after the Civil War, numerous southern states passed laws denying Blacks the educational and economic opportunities available to whites./1
Those states passed laws using those denials of educational/economic opportunities as a reason to deny the right to vote. States passed poll taxes and literacy tests — statues that were racially colorbkind but effectively put voting beyond the reach of black Americans./2
Despite that history, the SCt ruled today that the Voting Rights Act does not prohibit states from enacting laws that disparately impact black voters in their right to vote because of those still present educational and economic disparities./3