What happened in Tunisia is a coup insofar as it's an evidently unconstitutional - allegedly temporary but don't be naive - power grab. Unconstitutional primarily because Saied used Article 80 to suspended parliamentary activity for 30 days, while this article states that
parliament must be in permanent session. I cannot find any plausible interpretation that would validate the idea that parliament can be suspended and at the same time in permanent session. Saied is known for very loosely interpreting the law and the Constitution.
He can come up with compelling explanations that would persuade most laypeople but wouldn't fool any serious jurist.

But this isn't your grandpa's kind of coups. Didn't close the borders, didn't arrest political opponents who represent a threat to his scheme, and national
media are still freely giving a platform to opponents to voice their criticism of Saied's decisions. Policemen stormed Al Jazeera's office and interrogated journalists. But it's unclear who ordered that and why. That's a red flag anyway but it should be noted that AJ is still
operating and covering events and no journalists have been arrested or expelled.

Civil society, including large and influential organisations, is pressuring Saied to respect human rights and democratic principles. Huge pushback for example against his decision to grab
prosecutorial powers, and strong warnings against hindering press freedom. Many are rightly concerned that Saied may permanently end Tunisia's democratic experiment. But many also hope that he will use his newly acquired powers to uncover evidence of
large-scale corruption, ties between political leaders and terrorist organisations. If he uses that evidence to prosecute and jail his opponents in Moscow-style trials, you can forget about democracy or stability in this country. He could, in theory, hand the evidence to the
judicial before restoring constitutional order and allow fair trials to happen. That sounds highly unlikely, but some hope for that.

Anyway, he is expected to do something to effectively address the grievances of the majority of Tunisians who are disgruntled with this regime
which has been abusive to its citizens (no justice, unchecked police brutality, corruption, plunder, marginalisation) and with the impunity of a largely self-serving political class which wouldn't care a bit about democracy if they couldn't leveraged it to raise funds from
gullible Western donors. If he doesn't address this fairly quickly, he will lose popular support. So there is tremendous pressure on him. Pressure which could lead him to the path of least resistance: Moscow trials, possibly the dissolution of certain parties, confiscation of
the assets of politicians and the businesspeople who back them... Although this would satisfy many citizens, it would not look good externally. Is he willing to lose the West's support and get into bed with Egypt, Russia, China, the UAE, KSA? Not sure about that.
Tunisia is very dependent upon the EU, our main partner, and to a different extent the US. Losing them is not an easy choice for Saied.

This means that he has a strong incentive to play nice and avoid abusing his powers. Again, not sure that he cares but his recent outreach to
foreign countries, including the EU and the US to raise resources to fight COVID-19 indicates that he does care about Western ties.

If these Western states do what some pundits and US congresspeople recommend, i.e. determine that Saied made a coup and interfere by withdrawing
aid or other forms of blackmail/intimidation, they actually lose their leverage over him and push him into the hands of other powers (Egy, RU, UAE), which will surely and permanently end Tunisia's democratic transition.

The only wise course of action is letting Saied know that
he is not fooling anybody, warning him against abusing his powers, undermining human rights, while engaging in genuine dialogue with him. This is what some very influential Tunisian civil society organisations have been doing and it seems to have pushed him to be more transparent
and cautious. They are trying to compel him to give guarantees and reverse course on certain of his most questionable decisions. I think these organisations have a best shot at taming Saied. For sure, he won't listen to political parties; he despises them and rightly so.
The guy is incredibly stubborn and I'm not randomly using the verb "tame" here. Accusations, intimidation, and hysteria won't work on him - this will probably harden his position. He needs to be listen to by organisations which have some national legitimacy
like UGTT, local human rights organisations, the Bar Association, who can also speak up to him and issue warnings.

I wrote he must be listened to because nobody seems to understand his end game. We need him to open up about his intentions and adjust course based on that.
He wants regime change, but in which direction? Does he want a permanent dictatorship? Does he want a presidential system under a new electoral law and new elections? Or is he sticking to his campaign promise to establish a highly decentralised regime?
Does he intend to be the solo writer of a new constitution? Is he willing to submit it to a referendum? Is he open to creating an elected, representative body to draft a new constitution? What if the output doesn't match his vision?
Does he want to ban all political parties or does he just want to create safeguards against partisan corruption?

Nobody can answer these questions today. And it's urgent for us to better understand what he wants, either to strongly resist his plans or to help him
negotiate a way out of this authoritarian episode.

But to be clear, neither Saied's path nor a return to the previous state of affairs is sustainable if the deeper grievances of the population are not addressed.
The number one priority, insofar as there haven't been any human rights violations, is to understand Saied's intentions. People who pretend to know - whether they're for Saied or against him - do not know anything with certainty.

This guy remains an enigma.
I cannot possibly envision a course of action that would lead us out of this situation if we do not understand this man's intentions and state of mind. And no, I'm not whitewashing the coup or justifying it. I'm just a concerned citizen who
is upset about the current situation and wants to avoid the worst case scenario.

The day Saied sheds blood, takes extra-judicial measures, censors national media, unduly confiscates property, we won't need any further information to understand where he's going.
In sum, this is as delicate as a hostage situation. Can end well through negotiation, but brute force on either side is likely to lead to mutual failure.

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More from @rhizomyx

27 Jul
True. We didn't have that before 25 July and I'm afraid we won't have an independent judiciary any time soon. Nobody made any serious efforts to reform the judiciary after the 2011 revolution. Instead, political parties co-opted the most corrupt judges and empowered them.
Nidaa Tounes, Ennahdha, Tahya Tounes etc all had their networks of corrupt judges covering up the crimes of these political parties' leaders, which ranged from financial crimes to collusion with terrorist organisations. It was in nobody's interests to clean up the judiciary.
They picked the most corrupt judges from the old regime, and blackmailed them into submission on the basis of "kompromat". There has been no such thing as a fair trial in Tunisia. Not before 2011, not after. Any ordinary citizen who's faced the justice system knows that.
Read 8 tweets
26 Jul
I just wish those who are - rightfully - pointing out that the President's decision is unconstitutional had actually respected the constitution they wrote. The Constitution required that they establish a Constitutional Court by May 2016.
But political parties, chiefly Ennahdha and Nidaa Tounes, deliberately obstructed the creation of the Constitutional Court, and thus the democratic transition. What happened yesterday was a constitutional coup. But the original coup was the failure to set up the Constitutional
Court in May 2016 which normalised disregard for the Constitution. Now we are in July 2021 and the only thing that could have prevented the current situation was, ironically, the existence of a Constitutional Court.
Read 6 tweets
3 Mar 20
Comment trouver des infos fiables sur le #Coronavirus ?

1/ Il est difficile de se fier aux autorités tunisiennes. L'absence de dispositif aux normes pour prévenir et gérer ce genre de crises, d'apres le Global Health Security Index (Johns Hopkins University)
jette le doute sur leur maitrise de la situation. (Voir ). Néanmoins, le Ministere de la Santé a fait preuve de beaucoup de transparence quant au nombre de cas détectés ET de cas suspects.

2/ Les journalistes tunisiens sont généralement incompétents
et n'ont pas le savoir ni l'esprit critique nécessaire pour poser aux autorités les bonnes questions. Par exemple: :

- Combien de tests pouvons-nous faire par jour ?
- A-t-on des plans en place pour augmenter les capacités en matiere diagnostique ?
Read 24 tweets
2 Feb 20
[THREAD]

1/ Same for any Tunisian of sound mind, especially given the revival of Turkish imperialist mindset. However, Turkey has very strong allies within our political system and state who have not hesitated to put Turkish interests above national interest.
2/ I'm talking about Ennahdha, who feel under the threat of geopolitical isolation (as a party, not as the Gov of Tunisia) since Sisi coup + Trump election, and even more since Qatar-GCC feud. Turkish AKP remains their most reliable external ally.
3/ They appeared inclined to provide Turkey with economic privileges at the detriment of the national interest (e.g. trade conditions detrimental to our local producers, balance of trade, forex reserves).
Read 23 tweets
8 Jun 18
I like to think of Maltese as a Tunisian dialect. It's much closer to Tunisian than Lebanese though the common Phoenicians roots are obvious.
Maltese and Tunisian are so close that a Maltese kid on a bus in Valetta asked his mother how come we (a group of Tunisian tourists) spoke Maltese.
As a Tunisian I do not need any extra learning to read Maltese poetry or understand a political speech in Maltese or indeed have a sophisticated conversation with Maltese friends.
Read 16 tweets
5 Jun 18
Ne pas avoir de famille politique dans son propre pays est frustrant.

1) Aucune force politique ne prône une politique étrangère réaliste et ne semble déterminée à défendre coûte que coûte les intérêts tunisiens en matière de coopération internationale. Aucun parti ne semble
Capable d'imaginer la possibilité de dire non ne serait-ce qu'occasionnellement. Tous cherchent l'approbation des puissances occidentales plutôt que de rééquilibrer le rapport.

2) Toutes les forces politiques, y compris celles qui se targuent d'être libérales, sont profondément
Jacobines, dogmatiquement étatistes et incapables de repenser le rapport entre l'Etat et le citoyen. Toutes sont collectivistes et n'ont pas d'égards pour l'individu qu'elles ne conçoivent que comme asservi au collectif.

3) Aucune force politique n'ose penser que la fonction
Read 13 tweets

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