In CA, 68% of November 2020 ballots were cast by mail. AP estimates that Biden won them 72-26. The Dem/Ind/GOP split was 50/25/25 in share of returned ballots. Currently, it’s 56/22/22 in the first batch of data (5% returned; November saw 61% returned).
Yesterday, the report we got indicated 3% of ballot returns. From there, Democratic share has dipped a percent or two, which makes sense considering how few ballots have been returned and how Democrats tend to return their ballots earlier.
Worth noting that these return rates are actually nearly as favorable in terms of partisan splits as they were at a comparable point in the general election. Per @Political_Data dashboards, it's around ~90% of the November turnout rate.
Dem share now: 56%. Dem share then: ~57%.
Early returns are, at the least, very favorable for Dems. Independents will almost certainly *not* break towards Newsom by the same margin they did towards Biden, so margin extrapolation is hard. But if mail return rate/partisan splits are similar to November, it's likely enough.
CNN estimates Newsom won independents by 7 in 2018. Biden, per those estimates, won them by 22.
GOP need to win independents by a decent margin if "Yes" is to win, *even with low Democratic turnout*, because of the fact that Democrats outnumber them by nearly 2:1.
What about race? Well, the electorate is roughly as white as it was at a similar point in November (68%), but VBM Latino turnout is just a bit behind November levels (16% of the electorate now vs ~18% at a similar point in November). It’s still *very* early, though.
Age breakdowns don’t paint that big of a divergence from 2020 at the moment, so I won't go into as much detail here just yet -- I'd like to see how that unfolds. Likely just a touch older, but given how Biden won every age group by decent margins, that's not *as* informative.
Ultimately, from partisan return rates, the first data batches indicate good turnout news for Dems in the recall, as they begin at levels comparable to November. It’s early, though, so avoid over-extrapolation. GOP have a HUGE wall to scale (D+29 state); let’s see how it unfolds.
My rating stays Likely D. Worth noting just how much has to go in GOP's favor in a universal VBM state to win. GOP vote more in-person, and their enthusiasm is high, but if mail turnout rates and splits stay at levels comparable to November, the task for "Yes" would be herculean.
The only way the GOP win is probably via low Democratic base turnout.
Doesn't look like a great start for them, but the real question will be the rate at which lower-engagement Dem voters return ballots. Watch the mail return rates and benchmark against 2020 for some clues.
One last thing: please do not cite *that* stupid SurveyUSA poll to me if you're trying to yell at me about what this recall's rating should be. I've broken it down to show why that poll is mathematically impossible, and I put zero stock into it.
A huge thank you to Paul Mitchell (@paulmitche11, @CA_120) for their publicly available data tracking tool politicaldata.com/2020-ballot-re…. All I'm doing is interpreting/explaining and breaking it down as I see it, but his work is what allows us to have any type of insight here.
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I wrote about midterm electorates, their changes from presidential years, and the partisan implications today in the Crystal Ball. Educated voters seem to turn out more while minorities turn out less, and that makes 2022 fascinatingly complicated.
In states like New Hampshire or Wisconsin, it is plausible that your electorate might be more Biden supporting than it was a year ago, at least in terms of 2020 vote cast, because of how white they are…
But that doesn’t mean Democrats would actually do better, though, because voters could be persuaded to vote R (shown by Biden’s currently low approval ratings) — the picture for a good Democratic 2020 in those states that largely relies upon keeping those suburban gains intact
If I had to take a guess at the #CARecall margin, I’d probably say No wins by 17, based on the available evidence. There’s been some very serious late movement towards Newsom and it’ll take a Herculean lift and a massive polling error for Yes to have a whiff of a chance here.
And once again, it was exceptionally smart of Newsom’s camp to not field a replacement candidate. That’s the only way you keep the Democrats all in line, and if you do that, recall gets squashed.
Anyways, if that does happen, Newsom would emerge stronger than ever before, because the press insistence on making it a horse race would backfire badly and cost the CA GOP their best 2022 candidate in Faulconer, and Newsom would have overperformed public expectations by a lot.
No such question has been settled, considering that non-college rural whites have one of the lowest voting observable propensity rates, and if you think people will let a vaccine mandate from 2021 influence their 2022 voting likelihood, you might be overreacting again.
I feel like the last five years should have taught people not to overreact to a single news cycle and yet here we are every time something happens that conservatives or liberals think will be the death knell for the other party.
FWIW, racial minorities, who still break heavily Dem, have fairly low voting propensity rates too, so the "will the 2022 electorate be more or less Biden-supporting (in terms of presidential vote cast) than 2020?" question probably hinges to some degree on their turnout also.
50% of the model is based on polls, weighted for sample size and recency. 25% uses a 2013/2017 composite educational turnout screen and applies polling margins by education. 25% uses 2020 margins, split by education, for voters and applies it to the poll electorates.
For the county forecast, we calculate the expected lean of each county by taking a composite average of county PVI relative to statewide average for 2020, 2017, and 2013, and we apply our model's overall forecast to the county leans.
The biggest argument I see against Conor Lamb's candidate quality is how he "underperformed Biden".
This is not nearly as clear cut as everyone seems to think. Lamb's vote share was 51.1%. Biden's was 50.7%. The thing is, Lamb's opponent got 48.8%, and Trump got 48%.
In 2020, closer districts (particularly suburban ones that are ancestrally Republican) tended to see Biden overperform the House candidate by a fair amount. Lamb underperformed Biden by only 0.4 points in margin, which is about a point or two *better* than we may have expected
Add in 2018, where @EScrimshaw notes how Conor Lamb blew through expectations and thrashed his opponent with a 12.6 point victory despite having $8M in outside spending thrown at him, and I think it's clear -- Conor Lamb is a very, very good candidate. scrimshawunscripted.substack.com/p/pennsylvania…
It's well known that SurveyUSA can't poll California -- they've had several ridiculous polls over the last several years that border on polling malpractice.
But this result is fairly shocking. Let's dive in further to see what's going on. 🧵
To begin with, their sample of *registered voters* is kind of off in partisanship and race.
The D/R/Ind. splits in February 2021, per the CA SOS: 46/24/24
The SurveyUSA poll: 46/29/22
The racial splits are kind of strange too. We know, from AP voter analysis, that the CA electorate was ~54% White, 7% Black, 24% Latino, 15% Asian/other.
SurveyUSA has the *registered voter* sample at 61% White, 4% Black, and 15% Latino. That's quite off.