1) 🧵 Discussions on ‘European defence’ have intensified in the recent weeks with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the AUKUS deal.

As I have recently written an article on European security and defence policy, here’s a thread on where we are:
osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/…
2) A few more issues have an impact:
👉the work on the Strategic Compass, the EU’s security and defence strategy
👉the French presidential election in April 2022 & France's presidency in the EU in the 1st half of 2022
👉the outcome of German elections?
3) France has ever wanted an ambitious EU’s security&defence policy – in terms of arms industry support, EU operations in southern neighbourhood, capability development in the EU.
+ It is Macron's topic, and the French defeat due to AUKUS is looming large before the election in F
4)Germany is more willing to develop EU’s security&defence policy, but this might go different ways. CDU is in favour of more military engagement & internal coalitions of the willing; SPD/Greens wish for more EU in security,but not necessarily with strictly military means
5) But what is the EU really doing in its security and defence policy beyond toxic slogans like ‘European defence’, ‘European strategic autonomy’ or ‘European army’?
6) SHORT REVIEW of 2016 security & defence initiatives:
👉military-technical cooperation – PESCO
👉support for cooperation of arms industries in Europe – PADR, EDIDP, EDF
👉more funding for crisis management and crisis prevention – EPF
7) Let’s talk about PESCO…
👉46 military-technical cooperation projects (1 already closed)
👉26 of them will deliver results or reach full operational capability before the end of 2025
👉progress is insufficient
👉PESCO cooperation is marginal for most of the member states ImageImage
8) Industrial cooperation:
👉two programs were closed - PADR (€90mln) and EDIDP (€500mln)
👉European Defence Fund was launched (€8bln for 7 years)
👉it’s difficult to estimate overall results of PADR &EDIDP
👉but entities form France, Italy and Spain gained most of the grants Image
9) Crisis management/crisis prevention
👉European Peace Facility was launched (€5bln for 7 years)
👉EPF will take over co-financing of peace support operations of EU partner countries/organisations
👉EPF will finance deliveries of arms&military equipment to EU partner countries
10) What will come NEXT in the EU's security and defence policy?
👉the EU is developing its strategy in security&defence,i.e. the Strategic Compass.
👉the Compass will list EU's priorities in 4 areas:
1⃣ crisis management
2⃣ capability development
3⃣ partnerships
4⃣ resilience
11) 1⃣ Crisis management:
👉Question is where&how the EU should conduct crisis management operations?
👉Do we need a new initial entry force (5000 soldiers) instead of the never used EUBGs?
👉Do we want to build coalitions of the willing within the EU according to art. 44? Image
12) 2⃣ Capability development:
👉The development of what military capabilities should the EU support - for crisis management or collective defence?
👉Should the EU’s capability planning process have precedence over NDPP in NATO or the other way round?
13) 3⃣ Partnerships:
👉What should be the division of labour between the EU and NATO/UN?
👉Which partners in which regions should the EU cooperate with in security & defence?
👉How to shape such a cooperation?
14) 4⃣ Resilience:
👉What priorities in resilience should the EU set for itself? – in cyber, critical infrastructure, information, supplies, external borders,fighting terrorism..?
👉How to define the mutual defence clause/art.42.7 if NATO is responsible for collective defence?
15) All these questions will be soon negotiated between the member states in the EU upon the EEAS draft as a basis for discussion.

3⃣6⃣0⃣ degree approach is the answer from the CEE perspective.
16) In crisis management
the EU’s strength is a comprehensive civil-military approach with better coordination of own activities (humanitarian aid, development and economic cooperation, diplomacy, crisis prevention) & division of labour with NATO and the US.
17) Crisis management and partnerships in security&defence should cover also Western Balkans and Eastern Partnership countries.

Lithuania with support of other eastern flank countries has recently proposed an 👉EUTM training mission for Ukraine.
18) Capability development in the EU cannot be used for crisis management operations only, but for collective defence in NATO. Key is the closest possible coordination of EU’s instruments with NATO processes.
19) In resilience – the EU can to a larger extent support member states and NATO in non-military responses to military and hybrid aggressive actions from outside of the EU and to political & economic pressure from Russia or China.
20) In March 2022 the EU should agree over the Strategic Compass. Its implementation will depend on the member states’ ownership of the strategy. If it favours French priorities only, divisions will grow and it will be difficult to implement the concept.
21) More on this topic in the @OSW_eng commentary. END
osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/…

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More from @jgotkowska

11 May
WĄTEK
1. Warto zapoznać się z przyjętymi wczoraj konkluzjami Rady UE w obszarze bezpieczeństwa i obrony, ponieważ podsumowują toczące się procesy i pokazują dalszą drogę. Tu kilka kwestii ważnych z mojej perspektywy.
2. Co chce robić UE w bezpeczeństwie?
W konkluzjach nie ma wzmianki o „European strategic autonomy” jest „increasing the EU’s capacity to act autonomously”, a to spora różnica.
👉Dyskusja o European strategic autonomy przeniosła się w międzyczasie na inne obszary działalności UE.
3. Wyszczególnione w konkluzjach cele UE:
- enhancing its ability to act as a global security provider through CSDP missions
- deepening security&defence cooperation amongst member states
- increasing defence investment
- enhancing civilian and military capability development
Read 16 tweets
10 May
"Steadfast Defender 2021 will be the first large-scale test of NATO’s adapted Command Structure, with the involvement of two new NATO commands – Joint Support and Enabling Command based in Ulm, Germany and Joint Force Command Norfolk, based in the US."
nato.int/cps/en/natohq/…
(1) The first phase of Steadfast Defender 2021 focuses on the rapid reinforcement of NATO’s European Allies by North American forces. This phase is led by JFC Norfolk and will include a maritime live exercise with around 5,000 forces and 18 ships.
(2) A table-top part of the exercise will take part in Ulm. This will train and test the ability of NATO’s new Joint Support and Enabling Command to coordinate the speedy movement of Allied forces and equipment across European borders. Some 300 personnel will be involved.
Read 4 tweets
21 Apr 20
1/ Informacje z marca się potwierdzają i tak wyglądają plany niemieckiego MON co do zastępstwa samolotów Tornado osw.waw.pl/pl/publikacje/…
2/ Przy czym tak jak pisałam „pojawia się pytanie, czy umowa na pozyskanie amerykańskich samolotów zostanie sfinalizowana w tej kadencji Bundestagu – i czy posłowie SPD w parlamentarnej komisji budżetowej poprą finansowanie tego programu – czy też jej podpisanie zostanie odłożone
3/ Plany niemieckiego ministerstwa dotyczące zastąpienia samolotów Tornado to wypadkowa sprzecznych interesów politycznych i przemysłowych.
Read 8 tweets
11 Feb 20
@ConStelz @thorstenbenner @welt 1) In SWEDEN political parties has pursued the strategy to isolate the right-wing Swedish Democrats (SD), whose rise has made it impossible to create majority coalitions. The minority government had become normal. First Löfven Social Democratic-Green coalition in 2014
@ConStelz @thorstenbenner @welt 2) was sustained due to an agreement with opposition Alliance parties. Second Löfven Social Democratic-Green minority government is even weaker, but functioning. Early 2019 Löfven has secured parliamentary support from two opposition conservative parties.
@ConStelz @thorstenbenner @welt 3) The leader of the main conservative Moderate Party who was open to talk to Swedish Democrats was forced to resign – there was no consensus with regard to this policy in the Alliance block.
Read 11 tweets

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