In the acknowledgements of THE ICONOCLAST, I made a point of thanking several high school teachers who made a deep impression upon me.
Today I learned that Chris Schwarz, the first name listed, passed away after a battle with cancer.
He was my AP European History teacher, but I first got to know him when he was my freshman baseball coach. I was the nerd who read on the bus to and from games; I think he felt protective of me. Over the next several years, we struck up a rapport.
By the time I was actually became his student as a senior, it was like we were old friends.
His enthusiasm for baseball was matched only by his passion for history -- not just as a teacher but also a student (see this article, for example: chicagomag.com/chicago-magazi…) -- and I am grateful that I had the opportunity to learn both from him.
In all my years of education, I don't think I ever had a teacher who worked as hard to meet each student where they were and communicate his love for the subject.
To my regret, we had fallen out of touch recently. I had wanted to send him a copy of my book so he could see the acknowledgements, but I'm not sure he ever did. But I certainly won't forget him, and I know most of his students feel the same.
1) His New Japanese capitalism is a still a work in progress and I still don't see much difference from Abenomics. He offers 8 (!) pillars divided between a "growth strategy" and "redistribution strategy."
Growth strategy: (1) "realizing science and technology nation," revamping education & boosting investment in advanced technologies; (2) regional revitalization resting on digitalization; (3) economic security; (4) a economic security for 100-year lifespans (working styles, etc.).
This Diamond article (jp) on Abe as a new "shadow shogun" merits close reading. diamond.jp/articles/-/283…
The first two pages (of five) mostly summarize how Abe made Kishida's victory possible, but on page three, @KamikuboMasato, a political scientist at Ritsumeikan, delves into the sources of Abe's power and what's different from, say, Tanaka Kakuei as shadow shogun.
@KamikuboMasato He argues that whereas Tanaka's power rested on factional strength -- rooted in the multi-member districts -- factions don't provide the same source of power.
I really wanted to answer the question of what it even means to be a liberal in the LDP of 2021 and how Kishida has tried to answer that question over the course of his career.
As the Sakurai Yoshiko column I discussed (see thread below) shows, the right wing is skeptical of the party's liberals and will be watching Kishida closely.
In case you're wondering how the right wing is welcoming Kishida to office, Sankei has quite the rant from leading right-wing opinion maker Sakurai Yoshiko.
First, she calls Kishida's remarks on overseas strike capabilities during the leadership campaign extremely significant, given the "antimilitarist" history of his Kochi-kai.
She says that the US withdrawal from Afghanistan shows that the international security system is now becoming a coalition of countries that includes Japan -- but Japan is constrained from normal military activities.
Kishida not wasting any time at all. October 31 puts the opposition on its heels, treasures advantage of like honeymoon in the polls plus better chance of lower case numbers.
The thing to bear in mind that if he wins comfortably in the general election and can hold things together well enough to win the upper house elections next year, he'll have up to three years without an election (and with the snap election card up his sleeve).
With Kishida seemingly well-positioned to advance to the second round and possibly win the LDP's leadership, I guess it's time to take a closer look at him. #自民党総裁選挙
While Kono's family is more famous, Kishida is no less of a dynastic politician.
His paternal grandfather was Kishida Masaki, the eldest son of an agricultural goods dealer from Hiroshima (who spent some time in colonial Taiwan and Manchuria).