So I deleted my earlier tweet abt shootings being down in the NCVS. I misread the chart, which was about ANY gun use (including displaying it), not just shooting.

Those are, obviously, two different things, and addressing it downthread seemed insufficient.

Still, some thoughts: Image
That gun-involved violence falls in the NCVS is still somewhat surprising, since total gun purchases appear to be way up.

Could reflect something about the NCVS, but it could also tell us something about how those guns were being used that was otherwise not immediately obvious.
There's still some intriguing back of the envelope math:

UCR says ~40% of robberies involve a gun.
NCVS20 has a ~97K drop in robberies.
If 40% holds, that's ~40K fewer armed robberies.
Total gun drop for NCVS20 is 132K.

Still ~80K fewer gun events outside robbery.
It's true that ShotSpotter data suggests a sharp rise in shootings.

Which again: could point to issues with the NCVS, but it isn't like ShotSpotter isn't without ITS concerns too: vice.com/en/article/qj8…

All our data is... messy. On a good day.
It could also be that the police shooting data (which we don't have from a lot of places) and the NCVS are completely consistent: fewer people shot at, more shooting in general (perhaps even shooting at ppl who didn't realize it, assumed someone else was the target).
But it's not just something we can ignore. The NCVS and UCR disagreed this yr, on what is perhaps the second-most salient offense (agg assault), and closely-related gun use.

It's something that demands consideration, even if the implications are genuinely unclear right now.

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More from @JohnFPfaff

20 Oct
One part of the 2020 NCVS that deserves attention--and tracks previous years--is to note that (non-lethal) violent victimization rates among whites and Blacks are roughly the same.

Which contradicts the conventional "Black and Black Crime!" type narratives.
It is, of course, inarguably true Blacks are the victims of a grossly disproportionate share of homicides-- abt 50% of the victims per year.

But another good reminder that we should be wary of extrapolating narratives of murder to narratives abt victimization in general.
And for those in the statistical weeds, the BJS--unlike the FBI!--gives us standard errors. Here they are for 2020 for the racial victimization table.
Read 5 tweets
19 Oct
The other issue, always left unaddressed because it is hard to measure and I don’t even know how it turns out, is if advocates had adopted a more mainstream slogan, would we even be talking police funding at all?
Like, had it been called “Redirect Funding to Public Health,” would everyone nodded sagely, said “great idea!” and then done nothing?

We actually have that program/slogan: the Justice Reinvestment Initiative. And it’s done good stuff, but … hasn’t changed the debate, at all.
I’m genuinely, deeply unsure abt the slogan. In an era where we nationalize local races, Lamb and Spannenberger aren’t wrong that a bad local slogan has national implications, and long-run GOP control of Congress will hurt those invoking “defund.”
Read 5 tweets
18 Oct
I know I should just let this go, but sometimes things #onhere get under your skin in a way you need to reply to.

Someone today, who should know better, accused me of unethically being in the “violence denying” camp.

It’s a tedious point, but just need to rebuke it here.
Here I am arguing that it’s hard to compare 2020 to 2019—in OPPOSITION to those who would downplay violence—because the at-risk denominators are different in 2020:
Here I am explicitly pointing out that UCR assault rose, so progressives should stop saying “just murder rose”:
Read 9 tweets
18 Oct
Important new data:

Tho it will (unjustly) get less attention than the FBI’s crime data, the 2020 National Crime Victimization Survey came out this morning.

Top line takeaway: all categories of reported (this can matter!) victimization declined.

bjs.ojp.gov/sites/g/files/… Image
In fact, 2020 (reported) victimization levels were lower across all categories than almost any time in the last five years.

This seems to reinforce the claim that what rose in 2020 really was distinctly homicide. Image
Now, it is essential to note that 2020 was a strange year for conducting an in-person survey, and the BJS and Census had to adapt. So betting some comparative caution needed, but don’t overstate that either. ImageImageImage
Read 9 tweets
11 Oct
This is an important addition to this article. It’s essential to note that the management collapse at Rikers breeds violence, but an article that ONLY discusses violence reinforces (likely unintentionally) a narrative that ultimately supports imprisonment.
I think berating every article on the criminal legal system as “copaganda” will ultimately harm reform efforts—I’m sympathetic to the point, but even I’m getting turned off by the vitriol—but it is also important to note how the powerful but subtle impact of framing.
Here, noting the violence is critical. But by mentioning more of the mutual aid taking place (it’s noted only once, I think, when it talks abt the ppl detained escorting civilian workers—a frame that still centers violence), it would frame the violence as more situational.
Read 7 tweets
9 Oct
If you’re going to disagree with me, at least disagree with the argument I’m actually making, not some bizarro-world version of it that is the opposite of what I’ve said. ImageImageImage
This isn’t the first time he’s done this. In The Atlantic, he used a quote of mine about how reformers should NOT underplay the homicide spike to say I said they should:
I’m sure my arguments have their weaknesses. Just… engage with those, not some mischaracterized strawman.
Read 4 tweets

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