All of those "academic" references, being chain referenced by others - are actually explicitly speculative. There is no direct hint about this in Bankim's communications. He was a voracious reader and collector of local histories, and wd hv had examples well before Phadke.
This shd not be about who inspired whom, and Phadke's insurgency shd be given its own recognition - but reducing Bankim's Anandamath to being modeled on Phadke actually feeds into the pseudo-Left's subtle and as yet unsuccessful attempt to delegetimize Bankim's "nationhood".
It also covers the thought process in Bankim that led to his concept of a nationhood framed by the Hindu. The first objection to the pseudo-left speculation on Phadke is that it seeks to place the source of Bankim's nationalism as derived from "outside" and "contemporary".
While the pseudo-left has created a mythology of Sannyasi-Faqir "united front" (almost "left-dem" because faqirs involved) - the faqirs and sannyasis didnt have identical motivations. Sannyasis also had a longer tradition of militant monastic orders in eastern India.
Even if ppl try and debate over whether "Bong" Madhusudan Saraswati actually did start the militancy or militarization of dasanami's, the story as carried within Dasanami traditions is that he led the process and recruited from non-"Brahmins".
The Dasanami militant orders had their networks within Bengal, and this would be from 16th c. That their formation was with a view to protect Hindu pilgrims from mullah depredations, wd give them an explicit Hindu political/"state" colour
therefore the Dasanami sects part as sannyasis wd be different from participation of faqirs in conflict with Brits and their local allies. They would be fighting as a replacement for the subjugated/destroyed Hindu state/regimes seeking control and protection of territory/society.
Bankim's cues in Anandamath can only be understood from this eastern Ganga valley history of monastic militarized Hindu orders -who tried to play the role of a "Hindu" state in the absence of or liquidation of Hindu political authority.
The anti-mullah strand in the text, secretive militarization, monastic organization, celibacy as well as its controlled/contextualized breaking (infamous examples exist further to the west within Dasanami history), recruitment beyond traditional "Brahmin" sannyasi in the "army",
all are consistent with how the militancy in Dasanami groups evolved from 16th c - and Bankim, given his early appetite for history (and he was quite rigorous and critical in his study of history) would be very aware of this. So that wd explain far better than Phadke's example.
Phadke could have been a confirmation but not the initiator of the idea in his mind of the utility of a Hindu based concept of nationhood that valued the land as "mother" and used the already existing innovation of dedicated militant monk orders to achieve nationhood.
Bankim's life, his physical frailty and complete fearlessness, and his furious reactions to insult and "battles" ag injustice from the Brits, might throw a much better light where Satyananda or Jibananda came from - these were what he wanted to be, in an imagined perfection.
Bagchi et al, like the whole lot, have not taken a comprehensive deep dive of his life stories (recalled by a relative), his contests with British authority, stubborn pursuit of justice for ppl at receiving end of Brit Indigo scumsters/landlords to understand Anandamath.
It didnt need any "inspiration" from anywhere else- it came from his own study of his part of India's history, shaped by his own character and projections of his ideal personalities. In the lead male characters of Anandamath, the author is living a life he wished he could live.
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1) So he admits that there can be absolute lack of trust in the police and judiciary. But that’s probably the reality for the absolute majority of people, who don’t have the resources of a company to buy Narimanian super advocacy or whatever is demanded at the police station.
2) judicial activism within the court itself is lethal for a country as it seeks to bypass the legitimisation process of representative democracy. But open political/ideological commitments in public discourse by one who is still a sitting judge is a brazen challenge to people.
3) judiciary, elected representatives, crucially, the common citizen must think: one who hides behind state coercive protection of total immunity from criticism and is completely unanswerable to the ppl, is using his position to air political assumptions without placing evidence.
Per Haugen logic, Taslima Nasreen is an anti-Muslim incendiary poster, right wing Hindu nationalist. FB agrees and bans her. Or Ms Haugen, ur just angry that jihadi atrocities on Hindus get exposed? Is ur campaign not responsible for what happened to Hindus in Bangaldesh?
what is interesting is that Haugen actually apparently includes "pushing" centre-left to extreme left besides centre-right to extreme right: but I am seeing media only reports the right-wing bit, pretends she didnt do monkey balance on the left-extreme too.
Haugen is oblivious of any "anti-Hindu" "incendiary" posts - unbelievably, if she or her team could not read Urdu but only read Hindi, or only knew "English". Or simply they saw but chose not to mention it as it wdnt be politically correct or aligned to her politics.
1) What follows in this thread will sting everyone across parties, ideologies, sects, "spiritual paths" in some way: but stinging is not the intention. I have suffered socially for not being able to stop plain-speaking and what I see clearly. This is just plain-speaking.
2) The best way to understand whats going on in BD on Hindus is to grasp the peculiarities of Hindu society as it evolved through the last two invasions. A portion of power seeking Hindus converted, another portion didnt convert, but collaborated. This is the more fatal part.
3) The collaborator "elite" Hindu, had and will always feel threatened by the common Hindu's numbers - and as in every other elite wd seek to differentiate their rites/rituals as somehow superior to that of the commons they fear.
1) My sensibility stops me from bashing her in time of mourning. Madhav however is not in ashaucha. No statesman shd hv folded hands to what she is saying. And any who does fold hands, is fatal for the nation. Here is why:
2) whatever strand of Hindu one might follow, one way or the other the “spirit” indeed is deemed “na hanyate hanyamane sharire”. But that is not an escape route for as long as human reproduction continues, wherever you lie on the “atheist-theist” spectrum, you hv to accept life.
3) whether it is your theist belief of a purpose for which you had to take birth, or atheist belief of accident, a living society is one which holds on to your unique individual characteristics, through memory and continuity - which in turn grow out of your living and life.
A bemused take on the place-identity link to claims of social status. Sometimes its a compensation of a hidden sense of inferiority. This manifests in Islamic attempt at erasing pre-Islamic cultures they raided by renaming their places outsideonline.com/culture/essays…
But the sense of inherent inferiority complex becomes obvious in Islamic attempt at denying that the places they raided had a distinct geography and place-linked culture and tried to impose their "home-place" identity by name alone or by destroying pre-existing cultural symbols.
It showed that they actually found their festishized "home-place" inferior in things that they desired, so that they didnt return to that cherished superior home-place rather occupied the territories they feigned to look down upon. To compensate, home-place had to be eulogised.