We know that economics has a gender and racial diversity problem. Socioeconomic background is less often discussed.

@SchultzzyRun and I use the Survey of Earned Doctorates - a census of all PhDs from US institutions - to study the socioeconomic background of econ PhDs

(1/N)
To proxy for socioeconomic background, we use the highest level of parental education.

In this preliminary work, we're focusing just on US-born individuals (30% of US econ PhDs) since parental education means diff't things for SES across diff't countries. (2/N)
Key stylized fact:

Amongst US-born PhDs, Economics is less socioeconomically diverse than *all* the major PhD fields, including math, computer science, physical and biological sciences, and other social sciences.

(3/N)
This puts economics at or near the bottom on gender, racial/ethnic, and socioeconomic diversity among US-born PhDs.

The correlation btw diversity metrics is strong -- suggesting that the same kinds of factors may be leading to lack of diversity across all these metrics.

(4/N)
Note that the axes of racial/ethnic and socioeconoimc diversity are related but not the same. Within major racial/ethnic groups economics remains the least socioeconomically diverse. In econ, most URM economics PhDs are not first-gen, and most first-gen PhDs are not URM.

(5/N)
Part of the diversity issue may come from the fact that economics draws its US-born PhDs from a more advantaged undergraduate population. The share from public institutions is lower than the other major fields, and the share from an Ivy Plus institution is the highest.

(6/N)
@toddrjones and Sloan show that half of tenure-track faculty at economics PhD-granting institutions in the US come from the 15 "top-ranked" PhD programs.

So, it's important to note that these programs are even less socioeconomically diverse amongst US-born individuals.

(7/N)
We've been comparing to the population of PhDs. But it's even starker when comparing to the general population. With so little diversity of socioeconomic background, what are we missing when we study topics like inequality, poverty, unemployment, access to opportunity?

(8/N)
This is still work in progress - we just presented today at the Fed's diversity & inclusion conference and will be putting out a longer and more detailed working paper over coming weeks.

All your comments, thoughts, and feedback are welcomed!

(/End)

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More from @annastansbury

8 Nov
Low-wage employers don't seem to call back union supporters at lower rates in this new resume audit study by @natewilmers and @nicokreis.

(resumes submitted to >500 entry-level high-school graduate jobs in Chicago, Oct 2019-Oct 2020, name coded to sound like a White man).
The null effect doesn't seem to be coming from employers failing to perceive the union signal: it was pretty obvious in both the resume and cover letter, and MTurkers confirmed the salience of it in a check the authors ran.
Rather, per interviews, it seems like most employers don't perceive the threat of unionization as relevant enough to make it salient in hiring -- an attitude consistent with low private sector unionization rates (6%) and scarce instances of successful new organizing.
Read 4 tweets
8 Apr
Thought of the day: Every member of the Harvard community should be ashamed by the fact that we openly practice affirmative action for rich white people in college admissions.

(Thread based on Arcidiacono, Kinsler & Ransom's forthcoming JOLE paper)

🧵
public.econ.duke.edu/~psarcidi/lega…
(1) 14% of the admitted Harvard class are legacies. That's 1 in 7! For a typical white applicant (legacies are 70% white), the chance of admission is *FIVE TIMES* higher if you are a legacy. 41% of legacies in the class of 2019 came from top 1% income households.
(Oh, and there is literally a "Lineage" field on the application, apparently. Welcome to the US's hereditary aristocracy.)
Read 20 tweets
13 Feb
Finland in 1991 gave workers the right to elect representatives for 20% of the seats on the board/management body.

No negative effects for these firms, small positive effects. Seemed to "facilitate information sharing and cooperation rather than shifting power or rents to labor"
This is another must-read paper from @simon_jaeger and @Schoefer_B on shared governance!! You should definitely read the paper, including section 8 where the authors discuss implications.

A few brief thoughts on what I take away on this regarding shared governance reforms:
1/ The right to worker representation introduced was around 20%, and often these representatives don't have formal voting rights (see excerpt from p.1 of the paper below).

It's great to see that this resulted in better information sharing and communication. It also seems ...
Read 9 tweets
11 Feb
I think about this statistic every morning.

24 MILLION US adults "sometimes" or "often" didn't have enough to eat over the last week.

80% of these report that the reason is that they *couldn't afford to buy more food*

(according to @uscensusbureau Household Pulse Survey)

1/
More than 1 in 6 Black non-Hispanic adults and Hispanic adults report being in households where there is not enough to eat.

Of all adults in households going hungry, 42% are White non-Hispanic, 28% are Hispanic/Latino, and 20% are Black.

2/ ImageImage
Fully 1 in 5 of adults without a high school degree report being in households where there is not enough to eat.

But hardship is of course not only a function of education. 1/3 of those without enough to eat have some college or an associate's degree; 10% have a BA.

3/ ImageImage
Read 10 tweets
29 May 20
Thank you to @tylercowen for writing up our paper on @MargRev!

Tyler makes a number of thoughtful critiques. @LHSummers and I respond to a few of these here:

[1/N]

(with more detailed responses to Tyler's Qs, & other Qs, at this link: scholar.harvard.edu/stansbury/decl…)
Q: Is this to do with wage getting closer to MPL?

A: Quite plausible that employers becoming more ruthless and increased use of monitoring technology led to pay being pushed down– closer to MPL in perf comp labor market (but may be below MPL in monopsonistic labor market) [2/N]
Q:What about top earners?

A: We're measuring worker power for the *majority* of workers, excl top earners. Definitely possible that the fall in worker power involved a redistribution of rents up to managers/executives/people who start their own companies (See Section V.C)[3/N]
Read 6 tweets
26 May 20
In our paper, @LHSummers and I argue that the *decline in worker power* is behind many of the major trends that have shaped the American economy in recent decades [1/N]

(WP out w/ @nberpubs and presented at @BrookingsEcon Spring 2020 BPEA. Ungated link scholar.harvard.edu/stansbury/rese…)
We argue that the decline in worker power in the U.S. economy can explain:

(1) the entirety of the decline in the labor share,
(2) much of the increase in corporate valuations, profitability, & measured markups,
(3) a large share of the fall in the NAIRU

[2/N]
Of course, our focus on the decline of worker power is not new: we build on a long history of progressive institutionalist work in econ, sociology, and political science, which identifies the decline of worker power as one of the major structural trends in the U.S. economy [3/N]
Read 22 tweets

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