Crazy #Syriac word of the day, from our class reading yesterday: ܚܙܐܘܝܗܝ ḥzauy 'they saw him' (transcriptions again reflect West Syriac pronunciation). More letters in Syriac than in transcription! I wrote about the redundant suffix two weeks ago: 1/10
The III-weak plural ending ܘ- -aw as in ܚܙܘ ḥzaw 'they saw' turns into -au- before suffixes, written -ܐܘ- -ʔw- with an extra alaph to spell the hiatus (two vowels in a row). At least, this is the traditional explanation; forms like *ḥzaw-y turning to ḥzauy. 2/10
In 2010, Aaron Butts questioned this development in an article on the adverbial ending ܐܝܬ- -oiṯ, which shows the same change if it goes back to *-āyt (as seems most likely): 3/10 academia.edu/1432991/The_Et…
Butts objects to Brockelmann's classic account described above: "As is well known, Syriac verbal forms with pronominal object suffixes are usually the result of regular historical changes from Proto-Semitic and are not due to the secondary addition of a suffix to a verb." 4/10
As an example, he cites ܩܛܠܢܝ qaṭlan 'he killed me', which is straight from Proto-Northwest-Semitic *qaṭala-nī, not formed by just adding a suffix to the Syriac base form, ܩܛܠ qṭal. That would have given something like **qṭal-n or **qṭal-an. 5/10
However, this transparently is what happened with some other suffixes: ܩܛܠܗ qaṭle 'he killed him', ܩܛܠܗ̇ qaṭlo 'he killed her', ܩܛܠܟ qaṭloḵ 'he killed you (m.sg.)', ܩܛܠܟܝ qaṭleḵ 'he killed you (f.sg.)' all just add the default form of the suffix. 6/10
True, these suffixes have not been attached to the Syriac base form, but to a Proto-Aramaic base *qaṭál. Contrast PNWS *qaṭala; that should have given forms like **qaṭla for both third person forms and **qaṭlaḵ for both second person forms. 7/10
'They saw' in Proto-Aramaic was already *ḥazaw, not the PNWS *ḥazayū Butts needs for his development: *ḥazayū-hī > *ḥazaʔū-hī > ḥzauy. So that would only work if these weak verbs were more archaic in their suffixed forms for some reason. 8/10
There's a bigger problem: stress. *ḥazayū-hī would be stressed on the penultimate syllable: *ḥazayū́-hī. Even allowing for the other sound changes Butts posits, the pretonic vowel should be lost on the way to Syriac: *ḥazayū́-hī > *ḥazaʔū́-hī > *ḥazʔū́-y > **ḥazuy. 9/10
As you can see, the actual form ܚܙܐܘܝܗܝ ḥzauy has the a-vowel in the wrong place for it to come from *ḥazayū́-hī as Butts suggests. It really does look like ḥzaw with secondarily added suffixes. 10/10
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After a summary of his original argument, @IdanDershowitz moves on to discussing some major points of criticism.
Against my argument that V contradicts the literary reconstructions Idan cites, he states that it agrees with them for 97%. Not sure whether this is a rhetorical figure or what it is based on otherwise. IMO, the disagreements are important, things like:
A few words on how the #Qumran sect referred to the #Pharisees, whom they did *not* like.
Their writings often refer to the דורשי חלקות *dōrešē ḥalāqōt 'seekers/interpreters of smooth things'. This appears to be the Dead Sea Scrolls' most common term for the Pharisees. 1/5
It is probably a pun on דורשי הלכות *dōrešē halākōt 'interpreters of halakhot (= Pharisaic/Rabbinic rules)'. With the weakened pronunciation of the gutturals /ḥ/ and /h/ known from these texts, it was probably even more hilarious. It implies the Pharisees wanted easy rules. 2/5
Pesher Nahum (3–4 ii 1–2) uses this term besides two others: "'Woe to the city of blood; it is full of lies and rapine': its interpretation is the city of Ephraim, those who seek smooth things during the last days, who walk in lies and falsehood". ('Walking' again is √hlk.) 3/5
Based on #Hebrew and #Arabic, we reconstruct a slightly irregular paradigm for the prefix conjugation for Pr-Cntrl-#Semitic, where the 3rd radical is lost word-finally:
imperfect *ta-bniy-u 'you build'; but
imperative *bni 'build!' 1/7
In Arabic, the *-iyu of the imperfect contracts to -ī, while the imperative adds i- before the cluster:
imperfect *ta-bniy-u > tabnī
imperative *bni > ibni
The #Hebrew and #Aramaic vocalization sign shwa is sometimes read as a reduced vowel (hence the phonetic term schwa). Other times, it indicates the absence of any vowel. The rules are pretty clear, but there's some disagreement over words ending in 2 consonants with shwa. 1/6
For example, should Biblical Aramaic אַנְתְּה 'you (m.sg.)' be read as Ɂant or Ɂantə? (Yes, there's an extra ה at the end and yes, the Masoretes read shwa as a full vowel, not [ə]; that's all not relevant right now, you know what I mean.) 2/6
We can actually tell that no vowel was read in these cases from the lack of spirantization of following consonants. In #Daniel 4:15, for example, the vocalization has וְאַ֨נְתְּה בֵּלְטְשַׁאצַּ֜ר wə-Ɂant bēlṭəšaṣṣar and וְאַ֣נְתְּה כָּהֵ֔ל wə-Ɂant kāhēl. 3/6
Time for some #Semitic geekery concerning 'hollow verbs'. These are verbs which have a vowel (usually long) where strong verbs have their second radical consonant, like #Arabic qām-a 'he stood up', ya-qūm-u 'he will stand up', #Hebrew qām, yā-qūm (same meanings). 1/9
It's controversial whether these hollow verbs already had this shape in Proto-Semitic. The alternative is that they originally had the consonant *w or *y as their second radical, but that this dropped out in various languages, causing vowel contraction. 2/9
I think the forms like ya-qūm- are Proto-Semitic, where they developed from even earlier forms like ya-qwum-. But because other forms (like Arabic and Hebrew qām-) show irregular correspondences between different languages, Proto-Semitic retained a consonant here IMO. 3/9
I thought it would be fun to share my own #MICAH13 presentation with you all via Twitter – @PhDniX's excellent Twitter recaps of his talks were a major factor behind me getting on here too. This was a 20-minute talk, so: LONG thread.
This talk is about #Biblical#Aramaic, attested in the books of #Ezra and #Daniel. Scholars have long debated the linguistic background of these texts, nearly always focusing on the consonantal text. But in the case of Biblical Aramaic, that only tells you half the story.
In the Masoretic Text, differences between the consonantal text and the reading tradition are indicated by so-called qere notes. Here, 'what is written' (Aramaic: ketiv) does not match 'what is read' (Aramaic: qere). The different qere forms thus reflect the reading tradition.