We've taken a global outlook and considered the implications for the UK.
After Glasgow, there are important new considerations for UK climate policy. The UK must not walk away now. @theCCCuk
COP26 is clearly a step forward. Equally clearly, it didn't halt climate change.
A realistic assessment is that the UN process is making progress, but not enough (yet). How far COP26 can be considered a success depends on actions in the next year and beyond, in response to it.
The key metric of progress is expected warming. Prior to Paris (2015) there was expected warming of 3.6°C. After Glasgow the expected temperature rise is around 2.7°C. Views will vary on whether that is good progress.
But, crucially, lower temp outcomes are now in reach.
Just under 2°C might be achieved.
But only if *all* the ambition in the national 2030 targets is delivered and only if mid-century Net Zero targets are also delivered (and applied to all greenhouse gases not just CO2).
Current policies globally won't deliver these targets.
So it's crucial that the Glasgow Pact has acknowledged the harm of additional warming and “resolves to pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C”.
It makes the 2020s the critical period for accelerating action, encouraging parties to come back with more at COP27.
What does this mean for the UK? Some have called for a tougher UK 2030 NDC, for example.
In our view the UK already has one of the most ambitious 2030 emissions targets in the world, designed on a 1.5C pathway.
What the UK *doesn't* have is all the steps in place to deliver it.
So UK efforts should focus on strengthening delivery of the Net Zero Strategy, rather than inflating the gap between ambition and implementation.
Steps to complete the Strategy need to be brought forward, filling in the gaps we highlighted here.
The Glasgow Climate Pact refers to ‘phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies’. We think the UK has a duty to act on this, along with every other country.
There's no single definition of a 'subsidy, nor what constitutes an 'inefficient subsidy'.
But low carbon prices are effectively a subsidy. And no fossil fuel subsidies should be classed as ‘efficient’, given there are other ways to support vulnerable consumers with fuel bills.
So, in light of the Glasgow Climate Pact, we recommend that the Treasury reviews the role of the tax system in delivering Net Zero, including how higher and more consistent carbon prices can be achieved across the economy.
The UK's commitment to the Glasgow Pact can be further demonstrated with action on our consumption emissions. e.g. stronger product standards applied equally at home and on imports, carbon border adjustment mechanisms, trade levers, or encouragement of stronger corporate actions.
A strengthened UK NDC prior to COP27 could also include stronger plans on climate change adaptation, informed by a clear vision for a well-adapted UK and backed by quantitative targets.
Other options for strengthening the UK’s NDC include making it legally-binding; clarifying that emissions targets will be met without use of offsets; confirming a limited role only for CO2 removal; and including sector targets from the new Net Zero Strategy.
And what about the UK’s international role after COP26?
Well, let’s start by acknowledging that the UK Presidency actually *began* in Glasgow. We need to forge a strong relationship with the Egyptian Presidency that can secure crucial progress before Sharm el-Sheikh.
The Paris rulebook was completed in Glasgow - a great outcome. Now we need to put the rules into action, including consideration of whether the rules on international carbon trading might offer a new route for countries, including the UK, to support accelerated global ambition.
Key finance commitments were made at Glasgow. They need to be delivered transparently, including a doubling of funding for adaptation, and establishing a constructive dialogue on loss and damage.
The UK has an important role in seeing that through.
The UK can also revisit its climate finance contributions, directing around half the finance to adaptation, and restore its commitment to spend 0.7% of GDP on aid as soon as possible.
And finally, what of 1.5C?
It’s still in play, but only just. It is slipping from reach.
The UK must maintain a strong COP team with high-level leadership through the duration of the Presidency.
Decisions in the coming year are critical to the chances of keeping 1.5C alive.
My thanks to the team @theCCCuk for all their work on this briefing. And for their contribution to #COP26 itself.
Particularly proud that we helped to establish a new network of similar climate advisory bodies around the world. Hope we can learn from their collective experience.
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Overall, we see this as a big step forward. It’s ambitious and broad in scope, with credible mechanisms to drive delivery and scale up private investment. @theCCCuk
Until now, only @theCCCuk had offered an advisory path(s) to Net Zero. But the Climate Change Act says it's the responsibility of government to make a plan to meet the legal targets set by Parliament. Now we have the Government's *own* plan for meeting the UK's emissions targets.
That is significant, because this is now a basis for delivery and implementation - not just advice by the CCC but a *plan* from government that can be scrutinised and used to assess future progress.
This is drivel from the Sunday Telegraph, who have spent the last two weeks trying to argue that we’d made a glaring mistake in our Net Zero report from 2019.
In reality we are meticulous. And the economy costs of electric vehicles have fallen since 2019. telegraph.co.uk/politics/2021/…
The first question a reasonable person might ask is “why would @theCCCuk try to hide the cost?”. We’ve never done so before, and exposing the costs of decarbonisation in some areas is an important part of finding the right strategy to tackle those costs and bring them down.
This article concerns working level spreadsheets from 2019 that were released earlier this year, following a freedom of information request.
A powerful leader in today’s Times. Gets across the key message from yesterday’s @theCCCuk Progress Reports: Government must get real on achieving the UK's legal climate targets.
But we need to talk about this “ruinously expensive” Net Zero stuff.
Thread – with some new charts.
Net Zero is not ruinously expensive. Certainly not as a proportion of the size of the whole economy.
Conservatively, we estimate that the 'costs' of Net Zero – across a range of scenarios – are less than 1% of GDP each year.
But what does that mean? Let’s build up the picture.
We have to do *a lot* of investment to reach Net Zero, replacing all the high carbon assets with zero-carbon alternatives - the electric cars, the windfarms, the heat pumps, the low-carbon plant and machinery.
We estimate an extra £50bn per year of capex is required from 2030.
The @bankofengland have published details of the climate stress test they'll conduct to assess the resilience of the UK financial system to climate risks.
@theCCCuk recommendations on the Sixth Carbon Budget, the 2030 NDC and, crucially, the inclusion of international aviation and shipping to the UK target framework - have been accepted in full.
Credit to Ministers for agreeing it (after a serious Cabinet discussion I heard).
For @theCCCuk, this completes a huge body of work over the past three years (and even before that). I'm delighted that Net Zero is law - now with a legal emissions pathway to drive progress over the 2020s and 30s.
These targets rest on comprehensive analysis by @theCCCuk.
Last year, we recommended that @hmtreasury undertake a review of how Net Zero will be funded. Very pleased that they accepted that invitation.
We've now got their interim report - the final report will be next Spring probably. gov.uk/government/pub…
Quick thread...
You may have heard me bigging up this review, because it's essential that @hmtreasury looks at the question of 'who pays?' for Net Zero.
Our new analysis says the aggregate cost is likely to be low, but that masks a policy challenge to distribute the costs and benefits fairly.
Happily, this looks like it will tackle the right issues. And because it's interim, I hope the @hmtreasury will have more time to consider our latest assessment of the pathway to Net Zero - and the investment and savings insights that emerged in this chart.