Imefika! My book on the recent phase of the Congolese conflict is out from @princetonupress. press.princeton.edu/books/hardcove… It asks why conflict has persisted despite a comprehensive peace deal, billions of $ of investment and the largest peacekeeping mission in the world. (THREAD)
I hope the book is of interest to anyone interested in Congo, as well as students of conflict and peacebuilding. (2/7)
My Congo-specific argument: In 2003 a peace deal was transformational: it forged a new constitution, demobilized 130,000 soldiers, and ushered in a raft of new institutions: local and national parliaments, new courts and oversight bodies. (3/7)
However, the deal was lopsided, prompting a former belligerent (RCD) to go back to war with Rwandan backing; it created façade of institutions that elites used to share spoils rather than build a state; all of this led to a proliferation of armed groups in eastern Congo. (4/7)
Donors/diplos fed into dynamics: (1) backed Rwanda financially and diplomatically despite evidence that Kigali was fuelling conflict (2003-2013); (2) believed Kinshasa was genuinely interested in building strong state when it was more concerned with extracting resources; (5/7)
(3) pushed for liberalization of economy to encourage investment without having regulatory safeguards in place; billions were lost to foreign and local elites, undermining democracy and the creation of an accountable state. (6/7)
In other words, I place much less emphasis on "the local" (struggles over identity and land) and "conflict minerals" than others. Those are important permissive/complicating factors, but do not form the main impetus for the violence. (7/7)
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(THREAD DU LIVRE N°2)
Mon livre fournit quelques leçons générales pour les conflits. Je soutiens que la guerre congolaise est portée par son propre élan, elle est devenue une fin en soi. La violence est devenue systémique, dépassant les intentions d'un seul acteur.
Mais au cœur de tout cela se trouve l'État congolais, le plus important des plus de 120 belligérants présents aujourd'hui. Quels sont les intérêts de cet État ? Je soutiens que ces intérêts doivent être étudiés, et non pas supposés ou ignorés. (2/14)
L'attitude des élites a été marquée par une "involution" : la reproduction et intensification de la violence, malgré le coût pour la population et alors que d'autres approches auraient pu être plus bénéfiques pour ces mêmes élites. (3/14)
(THREAD) Ekomi ! Mon livre sur la phase récente du conflit congolais est sorti chez press.princeton.edu/books/hardcove… Il pose la question: pourquoi le conflit a persisté malgré un accord de paix, des milliards d'investissement et la + grande mission de maintien de la paix au monde.
J'espère que ce livre intéressera tous ceux qui s'intéressent au Congo, ainsi que les étudiants en conflit et en consolidation de la paix. (2/7)
L'accord de paix de 2003 a été transformateur : il a permis de forger une nouvelle constitution, de démobiliser 130 000 soldats et de mettre en place une série de nouvelles institutions : parlements locaux et nationaux, nouveaux tribunaux et organes de contrôle. (3/7)
(BOOK THREAD#2)
My book provides some general lessons for conflicts. I argue that Congolese war is carried forward by its own momentum, it has become an end in itself. Violence has become systemic, exceeding the intentions of any one actor.
However, at the heart of this is the Congolese state, the most important of the 120+ belligerents present today. What are the interests of this state? I argue that these interests need to be studied, not assumed or ignored. (2/14)
Elites attitudes have been marked by involution: reproducing and intensifying violence, despite the cost of the population and even though other approaches could have been more beneficial to those same elites. (3/14)