Folks are right to be skeptical about regime change, but if you consider the logic, a compellance operation or a punitive raid doesn't make good sense in this case. Moscow has no way to enforce implementation of any agreement it imposes without regime change and/or occupation. 1/
The problem with the various lower-end scenarios is they don't offer much in the way of gains. Prior offensives yielded Minsk I, and again Minsk II. This strategy is seen as having failed. Why would Moscow repeat the same failed strategy of compelling with a limited operation? 2/
Moscow loses bargaining power as soon as an offensive ends, which means it has no way to secure preferences in UKR no matter what deal is signed at gunpoint. UKR only gains in Western support, Russian influence declines in the country, sanctions increase. 3/
The deployment of Russian forces in Belarus suggests they intend a pincer movement to encircle Kyiv. If they intend to besiege the capital then very likely the Russian plan is to impose regime change. What would Moscow want to install if not a pro-Russian regime? 4/
Installing a pro-Russian regime may be a more likely Russian plan than hoping airstrikes & offensives result in something. The anticipated scale of the operation suggests to me that Russian pol goals are very ambitious - far beyond another Minsk agreement. 5/
If they are going to use force, and the evidence points to this prospect, then its probably going to be on a large-scale & with maximalist aims. The lesser alternatives lose Moscow more than they gain, and hard to see how Russia secures political aims with a punitive campaign.
I wouldn't exclude the prospect of partition either, which is both a contingency, and the threat Moscow will likely make if it is holding a substantial percentage of UKR territory. That may be the leverage they intend to use to attain desired political ends.

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More from @KofmanMichael

Jan 15
Dmitry Gorenburg (@russmil) and I wrote an article for WaPo outlining what we think we know about the Russian military buildup. I'm going to summarize the content here. Long thread. /1
Forces near Ukraine (250-300km) can be estimated at 60 battalion tactical groups (BTGs). These are task organized combined arms formations, averaging 800 personnel in size, but structure varies. Can be 600-1000. However, BTGs are a rough way to measure. 2/
Permanently based ground forces around Ukraine constitute 55-60k. Roughly half of these 60 BTGs are therefore being counted from units garrisoned in the area, the other half represents the buildup. We are using BTGs that could be generated as an imperfect unit of measurement. 3/
Read 12 tweets
Dec 8, 2021
Feel its important to dispel a few myths about the military aspects of the situation. First, that a real military buildup would have the element of surprise and this is so visible that it can't possibly reflect worst intentions. That's just not correct. 1/
Russia can deploy a large force, with prepositioned equipment, for months. Then add logistics and conduct an operation on short notice. The posture retains the element of surprise. Ukraine cannot know the timing of the operation and can't afford to mobilize too early either. 2/
Current unit positions do not necessarily reflect final unit positions. They are being moved about. Russia can move these units back and forth for months. And yes this does appear to be a much more covert deployment, contrary to what some political analysts think. 3/
Read 6 tweets
Nov 9, 2021
Brief thoughts on Russian military activity and deployments. The deployment does constitute a buildup, and not just north, or east of Ukraine. Elements of 41st CAA, 1st GTA, & 58th CAA reinforcing permanently based units of the 20th and 8th CAA & 22nd Army Corps in Crimea. 1/
The military activity is out of cycle. These are not routine drills, certification checks, and one would struggle to come up with innocuous explanations for what is being observed. It is not just about 41st CAA units moving up to Yelnya, or 1st GTA movements. 2/
This activity is not particularly public, or paired with coercive statements, compared to what took place in February-April earlier this year. It does appear that the Russian military has been ordered to position itself for a possible operation in the coming months. 3/
Read 7 tweets
Oct 31, 2021
Commercial sat imagery suggests that units parked at Pogonovo began leaving over a week ago. A new concentration has appeared near Yelnya in recent days. The 144th is an unfilled, understrength division. It appears that elements of the 41st have shifted position to Yelnya. 1/
Elements of the 41st CAA were parked in Pogonovo after March-April, supposedly to participate in Zapad-2021 exercises. They never left after the exercise which concluded mid-September. Then began loading and moving out over the past week. janes.com/defence-news/n…
Here The Lookout's post is quite helpful, discussing the appearance of a new concentration of forces in Yelnya that emerged in recent days, and unlikely to belong to the 144th MRD.
Read 4 tweets
Jul 25, 2021
Fascinating podcast on tripwire forces & deterrence, but in listening to this, and reading the article I have questions. If just having sufficient forces to blunt was a solution, then we wouldn’t have weaker states attacking stronger ones. How much does the mil balance matter? 1/
The authors seem to stray a bit into the best deterrence is defense. That’s not true, defense is not deterrence. However, the belief that having deployed forces to blunt an attack & thereby achieve deterrence by denial is the prevailing conventional wisdom in DC. 2/
The problem is that military establishments come to different impressions of the military balance, expectations for how a war might go, and political leaders are not impressed by capability/operational concepts anyway. Having more stuff is only part of the equation. 3/
Read 8 tweets
Apr 22, 2021
Some thoughts on Shoigu's recent announcement declaring an end to this buildup of Russian forces near Ukraine's borders. Well, most of them. The statement is a positive evolution of this situation, but I would not count the matter resolved. Thread 1/ tass.ru/armiya-i-opk/1…
Shoigu suggested that the deployed elements of 41st army are actually staying in Pogonovo outside Voronezh until Zapad-2021. This means through September. 56th VDV BDE is not on his list, so we can assume they will stay in Crimea and convert into a regiment there as planned 2/
We still have to see this withdrawal happen over the coming weeks, even as there are indicators that some units are on the move from Eastern Military District in Russia to this region, i.e. the final force posture that they intend to maintain after April is unclear. 3/
Read 4 tweets

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