Jason Furman Profile picture
Feb 10 13 tweets 3 min read
Even if all firms are perfectly competitive an increase in demand will result in an increase in profits in the "short run"--the short run being a potentially long period until new entrants can compete the profits away.

A 🧵 with an refresher/explainer on the Ec10 of this.
The left-hand curves are the normal supply & demand, they show the market as a whole. The supply curve is the sum of the products supplied by many, many firms. Demand increases for some reason (a taste shift, strong economy, stimulus checks, whatever). The result is P and Q up.
The right-hand curves are from the perspective of a single firm. It is just a small firm in a big competitive market with no pricing power so it "sees" a horizontal demand curve. It can sell it wants at that price but nothing if it raises the price a penny above it.
Initially the market price is equal to the firm's average cost. This isn't a coincidence, firms will enter & exit until "economic" profits are competed away and "economic losses" are avoided so you end up there. (Economic profits are like the extra on top of the normal profits.)
When demand increases the price rises. Now the price is above the avg cost so the firm makes economic profits on each unit it sells. The total economic profits are the shaded red area.

Eventually the demand shock will fade or new firms will enter and the profits will go away.
Note that all of this happened for a firm that had no pricing power at all. It couldn't raise prices by a penny, it was only that the market price rose.

Note also that if prices didn't go up there would have been a shortage, with demand exceeding supply.
How is this model relevant? Like all models it is wrong. But it shows:

--Can have much higher profits with no pricing power.

--This is useful, without it we would have shortages. And it leads to more entry and profits being competed away.

I suspect this captures a lot.
More more realistic for many industries would include firms that can set their own prices (i.e., imperfect competition). In those models you find that the level of prices is higher but the increase in demand doesn't necessarily raise prices any more than in perfect competition.
The intuition is that a monopolist that raises prices can't sell as much. When demand goes up it will take advantage of that by charging more but also by selling more. The relative amounts that these happen compared to the perfect competition case are sensitive to assumptions.
Another realistic feature would be to compare the pricing power of businesses (which goes up when demand is strong) and workers (which also goes up). Which goes up more? Do prices rise more because businesses are more powerful or do wages rise more because worker power rises?
Finally, yet another realistic feature would take into account the frequency and timing of price and wage changes. Most prices adjust more quickly than wages (gasoline prices can change every day but people working at gas stations may only get an annual raise).
In the short run this can lead prices that rise more than wages. But firms are generally not going to lower their nominal wages so they'll have the higher nominal bill going forward and maybe prices will come back down. So the dynamics of profits may be different.
None of this is to settle the debate, just to say that the observation that profits are up doesn't settle anything either. My view is that if prices hadn't risen this much (given everything else) the situation would be even worse w/ widespread shortages & no supply increases. FIN

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More from @jasonfurman

Feb 12
A thread on the perils of interpreting moving averages that will be of interest to almost no one. Also has implications for annual averages which is a slightly more important topic. This fleshes out one aspect of my error with the Atlanta Fed wage data.
I'll use a made up hypothetical of the following wage data. What would you say happened to wages in the pandemic period (which for expositional simplicity I'm drawing as starting in 2020)?

I think you would say wages fell in the pandemic. Image
The right calculation for what happened in wages in the pandemic would be:

Wage growth in pandemic = (wage level Dec 2021 / wage level Dec 2019).

In the picture above this is -1% if you annualize (take the square root to get growth per year).
Read 15 tweets
Feb 11
My charts on the distribution of real wage growth were flat out wrong, as @IrvingSwisher correctly pointed out. I'm deleting all of the tweets (here's a screenshot of one so you know what I'm talking about). Feel terrible to have put this out.

This 🧵 explains more fully. Image
The question I was trying to ask was what has happened to wage growth adjusted for inflation by different income groups & how does it compare to pre-COVID.

The broad inference is likely still true but possibly less bad than I showed (it is unclear). The data was wrong.
I still believe the following are true for the period from the pandemic to today:

1. On average nominal wages have increased more slowly than inflation.

2. Faster wage gains for lower-wage workers

3. For most groups any inflation-adjusted gains are smaller than pre-pandemic.
Read 18 tweets
Feb 10
If you think corporate greed is playing a major role in the current inflation then you need to rethink a lot of your views.

1. FISCAL MULTIPLIERS. Fiscal stimulus is less effective than you thought because it will go more into prices/profits than quantities.
2. INCIDENCE ANALYSIS OF FISCAL TRANSFERS. Distributional tables that show the stimulus checks going to households, for example, not correctly reflect that much of the benefit of the stimulus checks was captured by higher prices instead of higher purchasing power.
3. WORKER POWER AND REAL WAGES. If stronger demand raised the ability of corporations to do unfair or unjustified price increases over and above their costs then the flip side is you are saying that heating the economy lowers real wages.
Read 5 tweets
Feb 10
I gave an expanded version of my talk on the failure to forecast inflation this past week. Link to slides here.

economics.harvard.edu/files/econ/fil…
Some fun new pictures in the new version, like what a standard set of rules of thumb (multipliers, Okun's law, Phillips curve) would have predicted. Which would have been a completely batty forecast.
Read 6 tweets
Feb 10
A way to think about inflation: it has a permanent component and a transitory component.

Use CPI signal extraction (e.g., look at subsets of the CPI) to understand the dynamics of transitory.

But use structural macro thinking to predict trajectory of permanent.

Very short 🧵
The best way to understand the TRANSITORY part is to get deep inside the CPI data & also listen to Odd Lots with @tracyalloway and @TheStalwart.

Thinking about statistical mean reversion, understanding which parts of the CPI are signal and which are noise, etc., works OK here.
To understand the PERMANENT part you should look a little at the CPI data. But mostly think about forward-looking macro models not CPI signal extraction. Eg, labor markets tighter than they were a year ago, inflation expectations higher, monetary policy still ultra accommodative.
Read 5 tweets
Feb 10
Policy implication of today's inflation data:

1. The Fed needs to hike in March. If two strong jobs reports & another high inflation print should be 50bp. But 25 bp is OK too as long as they're on an every meeting pace.

2. Congress needs to raise the Child Tax Credit.
The truth is the President can do very little to lower inflation. He can & should do everything he can on supply (and he is doing most of it already) but won't add up to much.

Congress *could* lower inflation with contractionary fiscal policy but I would leave it to the Fed.
What Congress and the President could do is pass something like Build Back Better that provides more relief from these rising prices.

And it would not further add to the price increases if it is paid for.

Throw in a little deficit reduction as insurance if you want.
Read 4 tweets

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