🌹Roses are red,
This hellscape is the opposite of irie,
The Home Office is expanding the Windrush scandal,
We urgently need an Inquiry.
🧵🚨: docs.google.com/forms/d/1Y6-AE…
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(On account of the amount of swearing and rending-of-garments in this thread - I'm @JaidevRamya. Blame no one but me for what follows.)
Last week, we sent a version of this👇🏽letter, a sign-able version of which is linked above, to many MPs.
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@JaidevRamya You may recall that in December, together with @GoodLawProject, we opened the process of seeking judicial review of @ukhomeoffice’s decision to keep control of the Windrush Compensation Scheme.
@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice On 28 Jan, we told you that the Home Office was trying to sidestep our attempt to hold it account by pretending (it seemed) not to have made a decision on whether it would keep the Scheme, then counter-briefing journalists. goodlawproject.org/news/windrush-…
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice In response to that, we sent a follow-up asking the Home Office, a-f***ing-gain, to clarify whether it would move the Windrush Compensation Scheme to an independent organisation.
That elicited what can only be described as a further pile of… content.
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice In that reply, the Home Office’s lawyers effectively told us @pritipatel had the right to respond to the @CommonsHomeAffs report - which recommended, inter alia, that the Scheme be made independent - in full, and we could go fly kites till then.
@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice@pritipatel@CommonsHomeAffs I had only just begun processing my rage at the temerity and callousness of that legal response - given that victims continue to die, at speed, while the Home Office wantonly burns through time and resource defending a failed scheme -
But it’s clear that in tackling the avalanche of injustice that has befallen the Windrush generation, there is no true substitute for *political* action.
This is a vital provision for the large number of Windrush victims who were *prevented from re-entering* the UK.
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice@pritipatel@CommonsHomeAffs E.g. if you first came here in 1975 from the C’wealth, obtained ILR, left from 1985-1989, and were refused re-entry in 1989 because your ILR had ‘lapsed’, you could apply to the Windrush Scheme to reinstate your ILR - because of the waiver.
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice@pritipatel@CommonsHomeAffs Despite sounding like a highly specific quirk, this is a common situation, and one that seems to affect African C’wealth migrants disproportionately (CAN’T THINK WHY). We know of dozens of cases in Nigeria alone - people forced apart from their parents/kids by the state.
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice@pritipatel@CommonsHomeAffs The “small error”, as the HO puts it, arises from the unholy mess that is immigration law. Legally, the position is unclear: for one thing, there appears to be a judgment from 1987 that indicates the HO is correct.
This is why the problem is political, first and foremost.
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice@pritipatel@CommonsHomeAffs Immigration law bends to political will more easily and nonsensically than most other types of law - when things go wrong, we blame outsiders, especially those of different colour. It’s just easy - so much easier than tax hikes and spending packages to actually fix things.
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice@pritipatel@CommonsHomeAffs Nevertheless, and in particular, regardless of the contradictory and confusing path charted by statute and case law, it has been a matter of *policy*, since at least 2006, that Commonwealth migrants who settled pre-1990 were exempt from the 2 year-rule.
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There are people, with open or forthcoming applications to both the Windrush Scheme and the Windrush Compensation Scheme, who have relied on this waiver.
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And as campaigners (inc us) have intensified attacks on the WCS, the HO’s handling of the scheme has come under greater scrutiny.
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice@pritipatel@CommonsHomeAffs Wouldn’t it be simpler, cheaper, and just better all round for the Government if those unaccounted-for overseas victims ceased to exist, through a quick, opaque and not-properly-publicised shifting of the goalposts?
But legality is a function of the law, and immigration law is almost entirely an expression of the most bigoted and insularly-minded of the prevailing political sentiments at any given time. We can’t outrun that fact.
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It asks for 2 things: first, for the Windrush Compensation Scheme to be removed and placed in the custody of an independent organisation. docs.google.com/forms/d/1Y6-AE…
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As this thread hopefully makes clear, the HO’s motivations are deeply suspect; it has misled about the law, “lost” landing cards, and is now trying to pass off a potentially huge change in policy as something akin to a transcribing error.
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@JaidevRamya@GoodLawProject@ukhomeoffice@pritipatel@CommonsHomeAffs It has devised a shockingly poor compensation scheme, resolutely resisted external scrutiny of that scheme, and repeatedly put out misleadingly designed statistics and false, self-congratulatory press releases about how many victims are being paid, and how well.
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It didn’t have to be this way. But the HO has repeatedly shown that it cannot be trusted to tell us what it *does* know. Can it be trusted to tell us what we *don’t* know? (No.)
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We are an organisation that benefit from this. We are made up of and represent some of the most marginalised people, whom the Home Office would like to simply paper over, out of existence. Without GLP, we would be light years behind where we are now.
A lot of the noise over the past 24 hours has come from mouths which would neither know Windrush victims existed, nor care to do anything to help them. Advocacy for the marginalised does have to be aggressive at times; the institutions who do the marginalising sure as sh*t are.
So while it may be fun (and maybe useful, but let’s face it) to have the intellectual arguments, do also bear in mind that we, and a lot of groups like us in other sectors, need people like GLP in our corner breathing fire at those that try to stomp us into the ground.
To explain a little futher, i.e. a meta-explainer, those two things remain distinct in statute. The power to basically *make* someone immediately stateless is only for naturalised citizens, where there the HO has rsable grounds to believe they can have citizenship elsewhere.
The confusion in discussion arises because Begum is not naturalised, and yet seems to have been made stateless.
Begum was born in the UK, to Bangladeshi parents. She is (was) in the first bracket, i.e. a UK citizen, therefore can't be made stateless.
A slightly longer explainer 🧵, breaking all this down step-by-step, because predictably, @ukhomeoffice has flooded the field with mis- and disinformation, and it deserves unpacking:
The power to take citizenship away has existed in some form for a very long time. [1/n]
The version of the citizenship deprivation power currently in use goes back to the 1981 British Nationality Act. Section 40, clause 3 gives the Secretary of State the right take away citizenship from naturalised citizens. Take a look at the conditions in clause 3. [2/n]
The power was construed in quite a limited way - really, it related to actual treason. And it could not be applied to naturalised citizens if it would make them stateless - see clause 5, and 5(b) in particular. [3/n]
Perhaps not hypocrisy per se, but there is definitely something strange about a Home Sec who wants to enhance powers to strip citizenship from naturalised and dual citizenship holding Britons, given her own background. Clause 9 of NABB will do that; [1/5]
but it's high time we consider the root power itself.
The current iteration of the power is contained in the British Nationality Act 1981. If you're a Windrush victim, that will be depressingly familiar - it is one of the key pieces of legal architecture, [2/5]
along with the Immigration Act 1971, which removed Windrush migrants and their descendants' automatic right (w/o registration) to citizenship in the Mother Country, to which they had come to take up employment post WW2. It laid the base for the hostile environment. [3/5]
🧵In case you need convincing or reminding - here's why we need to block this bill: [1/15]
This is a great summary by @_BvdM on Clause 9. To reiterate, the power to strip citizenship in some cases already exists; it is the notice provision that is new. But it IS a lurch into (more) authoritarianism. And guess who it will target? newstatesman.com/politics/2021/… [2/15]
I have a more specific concern about the potential use of Clause 9 against ex-prisoners - a similarly worded clause in Borders Act 2007 is used to deport Black and brown ex-prisoners who hold ILR. (@followMFJ do excellent work to stop charters)
It has been clear for a while that @ukhomeoffice is unfit to run the Windrush Compensation Scheme, and unwilling to make the kind of changes needed to fix it. You've probably seen us "calling" for the Scheme to be moved.
With @GoodLawProject, we have started the process to seek judicial review of @pritipatel's decision to keep control of the Windrush Compensation Scheme. It's a decision that is mind-boggling in one sense bc @ukhomeoffice is demonstrably terrible at running the scheme; [2/6]
but in another sense, it was inevitable - the HO does not and will never accept that Windrush victims need genuine reparation, and that the process should be approached in the same way as it would if the victims were white, wealthy and/or of a different social class. [3/6]