We are an organisation that benefit from this. We are made up of and represent some of the most marginalised people, whom the Home Office would like to simply paper over, out of existence. Without GLP, we would be light years behind where we are now.
A lot of the noise over the past 24 hours has come from mouths which would neither know Windrush victims existed, nor care to do anything to help them. Advocacy for the marginalised does have to be aggressive at times; the institutions who do the marginalising sure as sh*t are.
So while it may be fun (and maybe useful, but let’s face it) to have the intellectual arguments, do also bear in mind that we, and a lot of groups like us in other sectors, need people like GLP in our corner breathing fire at those that try to stomp us into the ground.
Literally as I post that I see a respected (including by me) commenter making the opposite point.
I wish we had the privilege of always having an entirely dispassionate, detached, austere reading of “the point of the law”.
When the government is standing on someone’s neck, doing whatever you can to help for their immediate safety and protection are not “hyper partisanship”.
If this sucks - and I can see the argument - ask why it is necessary. This society that we’ve built is an absolute mess.
Grammar abandoned that last tweet, didn’t it. 😂
Anyone who is concerned in the least about actual fairness and justice has been at the sharp end of a propaganda war waged by the state. Eg, where is the flood of outraged commentary from general users on comms etiquette when the Home Office lies about asylum seekers?
(By that I don’t mean “make stuff up” - it’s a point about where the interests lie. And I’m talking specifically about *general* commentators of the sort who are piping up about a press release, not specialists, like the long suffering heroes of migration/asylum Twitter.)
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🌹Roses are red,
This hellscape is the opposite of irie,
The Home Office is expanding the Windrush scandal,
We urgently need an Inquiry.
🧵🚨: docs.google.com/forms/d/1Y6-AE…
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(On account of the amount of swearing and rending-of-garments in this thread - I'm @JaidevRamya. Blame no one but me for what follows.)
Last week, we sent a version of this👇🏽letter, a sign-able version of which is linked above, to many MPs.
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@JaidevRamya You may recall that in December, together with @GoodLawProject, we opened the process of seeking judicial review of @ukhomeoffice’s decision to keep control of the Windrush Compensation Scheme.
To explain a little futher, i.e. a meta-explainer, those two things remain distinct in statute. The power to basically *make* someone immediately stateless is only for naturalised citizens, where there the HO has rsable grounds to believe they can have citizenship elsewhere.
The confusion in discussion arises because Begum is not naturalised, and yet seems to have been made stateless.
Begum was born in the UK, to Bangladeshi parents. She is (was) in the first bracket, i.e. a UK citizen, therefore can't be made stateless.
A slightly longer explainer 🧵, breaking all this down step-by-step, because predictably, @ukhomeoffice has flooded the field with mis- and disinformation, and it deserves unpacking:
The power to take citizenship away has existed in some form for a very long time. [1/n]
The version of the citizenship deprivation power currently in use goes back to the 1981 British Nationality Act. Section 40, clause 3 gives the Secretary of State the right take away citizenship from naturalised citizens. Take a look at the conditions in clause 3. [2/n]
The power was construed in quite a limited way - really, it related to actual treason. And it could not be applied to naturalised citizens if it would make them stateless - see clause 5, and 5(b) in particular. [3/n]
Perhaps not hypocrisy per se, but there is definitely something strange about a Home Sec who wants to enhance powers to strip citizenship from naturalised and dual citizenship holding Britons, given her own background. Clause 9 of NABB will do that; [1/5]
but it's high time we consider the root power itself.
The current iteration of the power is contained in the British Nationality Act 1981. If you're a Windrush victim, that will be depressingly familiar - it is one of the key pieces of legal architecture, [2/5]
along with the Immigration Act 1971, which removed Windrush migrants and their descendants' automatic right (w/o registration) to citizenship in the Mother Country, to which they had come to take up employment post WW2. It laid the base for the hostile environment. [3/5]
🧵In case you need convincing or reminding - here's why we need to block this bill: [1/15]
This is a great summary by @_BvdM on Clause 9. To reiterate, the power to strip citizenship in some cases already exists; it is the notice provision that is new. But it IS a lurch into (more) authoritarianism. And guess who it will target? newstatesman.com/politics/2021/… [2/15]
I have a more specific concern about the potential use of Clause 9 against ex-prisoners - a similarly worded clause in Borders Act 2007 is used to deport Black and brown ex-prisoners who hold ILR. (@followMFJ do excellent work to stop charters)
It has been clear for a while that @ukhomeoffice is unfit to run the Windrush Compensation Scheme, and unwilling to make the kind of changes needed to fix it. You've probably seen us "calling" for the Scheme to be moved.
With @GoodLawProject, we have started the process to seek judicial review of @pritipatel's decision to keep control of the Windrush Compensation Scheme. It's a decision that is mind-boggling in one sense bc @ukhomeoffice is demonstrably terrible at running the scheme; [2/6]
but in another sense, it was inevitable - the HO does not and will never accept that Windrush victims need genuine reparation, and that the process should be approached in the same way as it would if the victims were white, wealthy and/or of a different social class. [3/6]