One more thread today, and then I'm going to take a break and decompress for a while. This one's about protests and Russian public opinion.
Per @OvdInfo, there have been ~1700 arrests at anti-war protests across Russia today. Given the propensity of these numbers to lag, the actual number is probably higher.
We don't know how many people came out to protest. It may not have been very many, but it will likely have been 10-20 times the number who were arrested, at least.
Bear in mind that the Russian protest scene has been dormant since riot police more or less wiped the streets with Navalny supporters in the early months of 2021. After that, the opposition called off protests, out of concern for the physical welfare of their supporters.
Given the level of ambient repression, the fact that anyone is coming out at all is striking.
Striking as well is the fact that the riot police came out before the protesters did -- especially in Moscow and St. Petersburg, but not only, according to reports.
And the police didn't exactly behave themselves. At least one of my friends in Moscow was delivered to a police station unconscious, with a fractured skull.
Now, here's what my research suggests about protest in general, and in Russian in particular: People are most likely to turn against the state when it presents an immediate and unavoidable threat to their ability to imagine a future better than the present.
When threats are diffuse, people find individualized ways of coping. When they are concentrated, they have no choice but to come together to seek a solution that helps everyone.
We also know that protests are driven by moral shock -- when the state begins to do something that not only offends a person's sense of right and wrong, but that alters their sense of what the state might do in the future. This can cause a panic and a 'now-or-never' response.
Without the ability to interview protesters, I cannot know what's driving the mobilization in Russia right now, or how much it might grow. But we can form reasonable hypotheses.
We know that this war presents a concentrated threat, in the form of the damage it will do to ordinary Russians' livelihoods for decades to come. So it is possible that some protesters are mobilizing to prevent their futures and those of their children from being foreclosed.
Indeed, that idea -- that Putin has just robbed Russia of its future -- is one of the most common refrains I'm seeing in anti-war posts on social media.
We also know that this war may cause a moral shock. Anecdotal evidence -- and a bit of survey evidence -- suggests that most Russians didn't take the prospect of war seriously, and have thus been caught off guard.
While Russia has been to war before, Russians are mostly accustomed (like Americans or Brits) to seeing their bombs fall on far off places of which they know little (a category that includes, for most Russians, Chechnya). Ukraine, on the other hand, is both close and familiar.
Tens of millions of Russians have Ukrainian heritage or, indeed, were born there. They have family and friends there. The cities they are bombing are cities many of them have visited.
The violence in Ukraine coupled with the violence in the streets at home may -- and I emphasize _may_ -- make many Russians very uncomfortable. It may suggest the potential of both sites of violence to escalate. That, too, may be a future many Russians will want to avoid.
Clearly, Putin will have thought about this. This was a risk everyone knew about going into this war -- that's why he had the riot police ready to go. Putin will have calculated that he'll survive. He may well be right. He often is.
But not always.
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Reading between the lines on sanctions, it's a decidedly mixed picture.
What has been announced thus far is very clearly not the full package of sanctions that had been on the table. Exactly why that's the case is a question worth discussing.
To be clear, these sanctions will hurt. Quite a bit. Together with the falling ruble, the financial and banking sanctions will sap Russia's reserves and raise its capital costs.
The sanctions on the offspring of oligarchs are more interesting. These are designed to sharpen the focus of the entirety of the Russian elite on the future, and to force them to reconsider whether they're willing to let Putin mortgage their kids' futures.
Throughout this crisis, one key analytical divide (of several) has been between those analysts who focus on Russian domestic politics on the one hand, and military analysts on the other. I'm obviously in the former camp.
By and large, with notable exceptions, analysts of Russian domestic politics thought war was possible, but unlikely. We generally came to that conclusion based on the risks that a war entails for Putin domestically, and a general assumption about the primacy of domestic politics.
We can debate those conclusions and assumptions later, but we were obviously wrong.
Military analysts generally looked at the scale of forces arrayed against Ukraine and said this was too big to signal anything but war. It certainly looks like they were right.
A bit of analysis, with the caveat that I am struggling to hold it together right now. People in my line of work aren't supposed to be affected by this stuff, but we are. Sorry.
The strategic ambiguity, as always, remains, but it is looking increasingly like cover for a war.
I am trying very hard to find a way to read "de-militarization and de-nazification of Ukraine" as anything but full-scale invasion. I'm failing, but hoping someone better than me succeeds.
Putin declared a war by another name -- a "special military operation". He also said there would be no occupation, but if you can have a war you don't call a war, I suppose you can also have an occupation that you don't call an occupation.
As best I can tell, Putin is declaring war on live TV at 05:45am Moscow time.
Drawing a series of parallels -- Chechnya, Crimea, Syria, Donbas. "We simply haven't been given another option to defend our people other than the one we are forced to use today."
"The People's Republics of Donbas have asked for our help. ... I have decided to launch a special military operation. ... We will seek to demilitarize and de-nazify Ukraine."
I'm seeing a good deal of ire and snark about UK sanctions, and while I'm usually up for a good deal of ire and snark, I'm not sure it's entirely deserved in this case.
If you missed it, here it is, targeting the assets and operations of key banks and billionaires.
Yes, it feels like small beans, compared to what the EU and the US are doing. But then the UK _is_ small beans compared to the EU and the US, which can, if they want, entirely upend the Russian economy. London can't.
If you believe he’s after Ukraine in whole or in part, then expect Putin to wait and see how Kyiv reacts viz military posture, and how US and EU react viz sanctions, and then re-calibrate his risk-reward model before deciding how far and how hard to press on.
If you believe he’s just after DNR/LNR and has written off the rest of Ukraine, then expect gradual creep to secure key infrastructure (see Georgia’s ever-shrinking borders), but probably avoiding major war (and major sanctions).