The rage & fear you feel after the Russian invasion are ancient parts of your mind preparing - like clockwork - for a world of conflict.
After 10 years of research in the lab & field, it is surreal to feel it unfold in my own mind
A 🧵 on what happens & with what effects (1/16)
I lived during the Cold War but never felt its threat. Many Westerns have never experienced anything remotely like war.
But you are more than your experiences. Your mind was designed by natural selection and the genes you carry are adapted to a different world. (2/16)
That world included violent, group-based conflict. Scholars disagree on the details of the prehistory of war. But group conflict is universal, ancient & significant enough that it may have shaped our basic psychology (doi.org/10.1162/ISEC_a…) (3/16)
But the world of our ancestors was also a cooperative world (doi.org/10.1146/annure…). We are designed for both, for detecting when things shifted in one or the other direction & for using different social strategies depending on the context. (4/16)
Succes in a cooperative world depends on prestige = solving other people's problems. Succes in a world of violent conflict depends on dominance = fear, intimidation & aggression (doi.org/10.1037/a00303…) (5/16)
In our research, we find that shifts towards dominance happen with high speed in conflicts. Exposure to threat from other groups (but not natural threats) elicit immediate support for dominant leaders (doi.org/10.1111/pops.1…) (6/16)
But not everyone feels the same. We studied this when Russia invaded Crimea in 2014. In the face of the invasion, feelings of anger increased support for dominant leaders among those in the affected regions. Feelings of fear decreased support (doi.org/10.1111/pops.1…) (7/16)
Emotions are coordination systems designed to refocus your entire cognitive architecture towards a specific task: They change what you attend to, how you assess costs & benefits associated with actions & prepares your body to execute those actions (psycnet.apa.org/record/2008-07…) (8/16)
Anger and fear both reflects acceptance of a world of dominance. Anger is the emotion of navigating that world by being dominant. Fear is the emotion of navigating the world of conflict through submission. Both can be necessary at different times. (9/16)
Everyone feels a mix of emotions. But why do some feel more anger than fear and vice versa? Personality is likely a key factor: Those having a personality already oriented to threats from other groups leads to greater support for dominance (doi.org/10.1111/pops.1…). (10/16)
As the rage of Putin's atrocities attune the minds of millions of citizens across the Western world to a world of dominance (and shift the focus away from prestige), it will have a number of psychological and political consequences. (11/16)
Support for violence, dominant leaders & the spread of misinformation about the enemy will increase ((doi.org/10.1111/pops.1… & psyarxiv.com/puqzs/). Those feeling fear will decrease support for aggression, opening a new political cleavage (doi.org/10.1037/a00248…). (12/16)
These effects involves altered perceptions. Risks associated with war will begin to look smaller (doi.org/10.1037/0022-3…). This is not a "cognitive bias" but a design feature of a mind shifting from navigating a prestige-based world to a dominance-based world. (13/16)
A week ago it would be unfathomable for many to support war preparations. Now leaders & citizens across the Western world hail the old Roman saying of "para bellum": if you want peace, prepare for war. Indeed, this is the doctrine of a world of dominance & I feel it too. (14/16)
So, if you have feelings you never had before & support policies you would never have supported before, it essentially reflects the activation of a deep-seated psychology designed for a world of dominance contests between groups. (15/16)
BUT: Your psychology was designed for a world of small-group aggression. Not a world of nukes. This mismatch means that your intuitions are not always optimal guides. Balancing emotions for group-aggression with cold reason is key over the next days and, possibly, years. (16/16)
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Hvor mange har de seneste dage stillet sig selv spørgsmålet: Ville jeg gribe til våben?
I 2016 stillede vi faktisk 1012 danskere det spørgsmål bl.a. i lyset af, at "Rusland opfører sig mere og mere aggressivt".
Her er hvad de svarede. 👇
🧵 (1/6)
Efter introen, der beskrev en mere ustabil verden med bl.a. et mere aggressivt Rusland, blev det repræsentative udsnit af danskere præsenteret for en række scenarier, herunder dette 👇 (2/6)
Derefter spurgte vi, om deltagerne forestillede sig, at de ville protestere mod regimet, hjælpe modstandsfolk, deltage i modstandskampen og bruge vold.
31 % forestiller sig, at de "ville bruge fysisk vold for at fremme modstandsbevægelsens mål". (3/6)
I advised the Danish government on behavioral science during the pandemic.
In APS Observer, I wrote my advice on how to give advice when your discipline is (A) obviously important but (B) face discussions about replication: psychologicalscience.org/observer/scien…
I outline 3 lessons.
🧵(1/4)
1. Focus on decision-makers’ mental models.
Don't push single studies. Focus on broader models of behavior & help decision-makers *think* in the right way (e.g., "prioritize trust-building"). This facilitates better decisions even when you aren't there.
(2/4)
2. Focus on blind spots.
In a pandemic, there are many health advisors but few behavioral advisors.
You are your field's representative & should raise the problems & trade-offs that outsiders don't see (e.g., the perils of polarization & perceived control loss)
Individuals who fight in armed conflict tend to be anti-democratic.
With one exception: Violent resistance in defence of democracy.
🧵 on our research on the psychology of violence & why the ultimate defense of democracy requires understanding anti-democratic impulses. (1/14)
Democracy is the principled recognition of equality in power. Autocracy is the opposite.
Psychologically, an orientation to autocracy draws its strength from so-called dominance motivations (doi.org/10.1177/095679…). (2/14)
All humans seek status. But paths differ (doi.org/10.1037/a00303…). *Prestige* is status in exchange for problem-solving. *Dominance* is the desire to acquire status from fear via intimidation & aggression.
In the game of status, dominance is the strategy of the predator. (3/14)
Et markant nybrud er, at den demokratiske samtale flytter fra forsamlingshuset til sociale medier.
Vi mangler viden & data. Derfor præges debatten ofte af myter fx om ekkokamre.
Men vi skal ud af ekkokamret om, ja, ekkokamre.
🧵 om de store spørgmål & forskningens svar. (1/15)
Når man skal forstå et fænomen på sociale medier, fx ekkokamre, misinformation eller had, bør man altid stille 3 spørgsmål:
1) Hvor udbredt er X? 2) Hvad er årsagerne til X? 3) Hvad er effekterne af X?
Hvad siger forskningen om de 3 spørgsmål ift. ekkokamre? (2/15)
Et første skridt er at erkende, at forskningen om sociale medier er i sin vorden. Mange antagelser har vist sig forkerte. Og et enkelt studie giver sjældent sandheden.
Man må basere sig på opdaterede reviews fra internationalt førende forskere. (3/15)
Political cleavages have previously been found to elicit prejudice (doi.org/10.1111/ajps.1…), e.g., exclusion from family relationships. Here we ask if there is prejudice between groups defined by COVID-19 vaccination status? (2/16)
Media, governments & influencers are often accused of "fear-mongering". Such strategy would clash with insights on risk-communication: doi.org/10.1111/bjhp.1…. Effective communication is clear about the threat *&* how to deal with the threat. Actionable advice builds hope. (2/8)
During the pandemic, we examined the relative efficacy of threat- & hope-oriented communication. The context was the race between the Alpha variant & implementation of vaccines. The need was to "buy time" via stronger interventions until vaccines took effect. (3/8)