1. Apparently I have already branded d Constitution of 1950 a colonial document in my book #IndiaThatisBharat when I have limited d discussion in d book to d Government of India Act of 1919 and have said as much that I am yet to form my views fully on the current Constitution :-p
2. The discussion in the first book touches largely upon the secular versus religious divide and its colonial history. But I have been very careful about not branding the entire Constitution 'colonial' since it will be examined specifically only in the third book.
3. Conceptual objections to & rejection of Decoloniality as a concept are understandable and ppl can differ on the subject. But what's d point of misrepresenting d very scope of d book, especially when I have been clear about specifying d scope of d discussion in the first book?
4. In fact, in every book related discussion when I have been asked my views on the Constitution's Coloniality, I have clearly said that I am yet to complete the research on that issue and form my final view on it. I have even suggested that the document cud be partly colonial.
5. As I said, conceptual and epistemological objections to Decoloniality aside, it would help to have an evidence-based approach to the history of the Constitution as opposed to winging it. Also, I have never declared myself fully "decolonial" because it is an ongoing process.
6. I guess it boils down to this -is Hindutva Hindu modernity or Hindu Decoloniality?I don't think that's d question.The question is which path facilitates & enables greater access to indigenous thought & its application to contemporary issues & situations. To me,that's d focus.
7. Since I don't wish to be sly about the context of these tweets, these are my thoughts on @Iyervval's take on Decoloniality and my book. Happy to discuss further.
8. Just to add on the question of individual rights versus group rights, again, such questions are typically framed and answered with reference to a specific context. For instance, Sabarimala is different from the Hijab controversy. Again Sabarimala is different from Haji Ali.
9. Sabarimala is different from Achankoil. Tirupati isn't the same as Padmanabhaswamy. Similarly, a school is not the same as a Temple. A private school isn't the same as a public school. A denominational Temple isn't the same as a non-denominational one.
10.What is Dharma & which set of rights must prevail in a given situation is a function of context.That's y I have caveated my position in d book to say that blanket assertion of primacy of individual rights,as in d Sabarimala case,is both unconstitutional & against group rights.
11. Happy to take this forward after the third week of April with @Iyervval on a mutually acceptable platform. Third week of April because I should be done with the Manuscript of the second book by then.
12. Just to clarify - I do not have a personal axe to grind with either @Iyervval or @kushal_mehra or anyone else. My disagreements are vocal and clear but not malicious. So those looking for vicarious pleasure thru a gladiatorial contest can count me out.
13. Also, these twitter debates have very little or no impact on the ground, at least for now. So the purpose of these debates, if any, is perhaps some degree of clarity on positions with the clear acknowledgement that none of us is trained formally in Dharmic darshanas.
14. I have zero interest in labels and camps either online or offline. The larger challenges are clear and I'd rather stay focused on them to the extent I can. Beyond that, the pravaham/flow of Dharma has its own course and niyati. None of us can change it. Over and out.
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1. While Nehru rightly gets a lot of flak for his monstrous blunders,especially on China, V. K. Krishna Menon was perhaps d worst possible individual to ever preside over d Defence Ministry.The other appointment that rivals this one was Maulana Azad's as the Education Minister.
2. Menon's communist credentials, utter disdain for the army, nepotism and insufferable hubris cost Bharat a lot. The more I read on him, the more I am inclined to hold him primarily responsible for the 1962 debacle. Independent Bharat was cursed with such a cabinet. Imagine.
3. It must have been a nightmare for leaders like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel to survive in such a toxic cabinet where the rot started from the top with Nehruvian lackies all over the place, including in critical appointments in the armed forces.
1. Now that #TheKashmirFiles has d nation's attention,I wud like to draw ppl's attention to d targeted killings of Hindus in K'taka.Just as Satish Tikkoo was killed by Bitta for being associated with d RSS,#Harsha & several others were killed in Kerala & K'taka for d same reason.
2. It makes no sense whatsoever to treat d killings of individuals associated with d RSS, BJP or BJYM as lone incidents.These killings are part of a larger organised attempt to silence Hindutvawadis.Therefore,d culprits & their benefactors must be prosecuted for organised crimes.
3. Apart from invoking provisions of the IPC to prosecute the accused in the murder of Harsha and other Hindu activists, the prosecuting agencies and the State Govt must invoke the Karnataka Control of Organised Crimes Act, 2000 (KCOCA) and expose d network behind these murders.
1. Ever since the release of #TheKashmirFiles, people have expressed their serious and justified disappointment with the Supreme Court's failure to take cognizance of the genocide of Kashmiri Pandits citing passage of time and other untenable reasons.
2. Given that the Supreme Court routinely takes suo moto cognizance of even lesser, and sometimes manifestly frivolous causes, perhaps the institution must introspect as to why it has chosen to not exercise this power in the case of Kashmiri Pandits whose genocide is documented.
3. Having said that, here is a viable alternative. The Union Government, apart from supporting #TheKashmirFiles through tax free sops, can actually constitute a Tribunal for Truth and Reconciliation in Kashmir and invite testimonies from affected parties through public hearings.
1. This is my promised thread on @vivekagnihotri ji's #TheKashmirFiles. Before & after d amendments to Article 370,I did a fair bit of reading on Kashmir including documents on the portal iKashmir, and books by Shri Jagmohan and @rahulpandita. So in that sense I "knew".
2. But nothing, I repeat nothing, could have prepared me for the visceral impact of #TheKashmirFiles. As a hardcore movie buff, if there is a movie in my memory that captures d sheer power of d cinematic medium to give expression to facts, it has to be #TheKashmirFiles.
3. The confidence of the makers of this movie is evident right from the word go. As opposed to the usual escapist and evasive disclaimers, this movie's disclaimer does not distance the makers from the movie. Instead,they own upto it.That shows how their faith in their research.
1. Free speech. Diversity of ideas. Toleration. Inclusion. Gender Studies cell of St. Stephen's College. Vande Mataram.
2. Interesting.
3. Quite a few ppl have reached out asking me as to what exactly transpired in this St. Stephen's episode. I will keep it factual with a few comments on the episode. Before I proceed, I would request everyone to be measured in their language given that students are involved.
1. Since October of last year, historian Dr. @vikramsampath has been subjected to a co-ordinated witch-hunt for merely presenting an evidence-based picture of Veer Savarkar, which he has the right to. It is important to understand the motivations behind the attacks on him.
2. Dr. Sampath's scholarship effectively upsets two Leftist myths - that the Left is the sole repository of scholarship and intellectualism, and that they alone shall decide for the rest of us as to who can be celebrated as icons. Thought Control is the end goal of the Left.
3. Unlike d partisan "scholarship" of d Left,Dr. Sampath's work is not a eulogy of Savarkar,but a dispassionate presentation of facts to bust popular myths. But since he has dared to undo the manufactured myths, he has upset some very powerful individuals, groups and interests.