On Cornyn's claim that Judge Jackson called President Bush and Secretary Rumsfeld "war criminals": While a public defender, she filed a habeas petition on behalf of a #GTMO detainee alleging that he had been tortured in violation of int'l law; Bush and Rumsfeld were respondents.
Needless to say, the implication that, by filing this brief on behalf of her client, #KBJ *specifically* called Bush and Rumsfeld "war criminals" is, at the very least, misleading.
It's also worth noting that allegations of government torture of detainees like the ones in the petition have been to a significant degree borne out by subsequent investigations, including the Senate Intelligence Committee's report on the CIA RDI program:
But the critical point for present purposes is that the brief named Bush and Rumsfeld in their *official* capacities — because of the offices they held, not because of any specific role they played in these cases. Indeed, it *had* to name them under the relevant procedural rules.
And when President Obama came to office on January 20, 2009, the captions *automatically* changed, so that they became [Detainee] v. Obama instead of [Detainee] v. Bush — reinforcing the point that naming these defendants officially is not a claim about their *personal* conduct.
Finally, and oh by the way, the *reason* why #GTMO habeas petitions *have* to name the President and Secretary of Defense, versus naming the government generally, is because of #SCOTUS's sovereign immunity jurisprudence and the "officer suits" exception it has carved into it.
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Over three dissents (Thomas, Alito, & Gorsuch, JJ.), #SCOTUS has *denied* a request to block congressional maps drawn by the North Carolina Supreme Court. Justice Kavanaugh concurred. In his view, although the question is significant, it ought to be decided on the merits docket.
I don't think reversal rates tell us much except in extreme cases; reversals can be for any reason (and from any direction), and they are hardly proof that the reversing court was *right.*
But if this is going to be a line of attack, it's worth stressing how ... empty ... it is.
Here's a 2010 study, for instance, finding an average reversal rate for district judges of 14.4%:
Again, I think this data, too, is noisy. But the notion that Judge Jackson is an outlier here is correct only in the *opposite* direction from the critique.
In my research into the history of #SCOTUS’s shadow docket, I’ve long been puzzled at why, circa 1980, the Court stopped formally adjourning over the summer — and instead simply “rose” for its recess, preserving its ability to rule without formally returning for a “Special Term.”
With a big assist from superstar RA @bonnie_e_d, we now have the answer: It was a response to the sharp rise in emergency applications related to impending executions — which (unsurprisingly) ticked up sharply starting in 1979, as states began to carry out post-Gregg executions.
Why did that require the Court to remain in session? Before 1972, individual Justices routinely handled execution-related applications.
The problem by 1980 is that the Court was bitterly divided over the death penalty, so there were reasons to not give one Justice the last word.
Memorializing my earlier tweet on the UNC affirmative action case, here's a chart on how much more often #SCOTUS is granting certiorari "before judgment":
3 grants from June 1988–August 2004;
0 grants from August 2004–February 2019; and
*14* grants from February 2019–present.
These are cases in which the Court is bypassing the courts of appeals to expedite plenary merits review.
And I chose June 1988 because that's the last time Congress meaningfully altered the Court's appellate jurisdiction (including with respect to certiorari "before judgment").
Two things that my earlier tweet got wrong:
I had counted *15* recent grants because I wrongly included a companion case that was *not* before judgment; and
I had suggested the cutoff was January 2018 not February 2019 because I had miscoded an interim order in the Census case.