NEW REPORT by @lauratmurphy, @nyrola, and myself uncovers massive networks of forced labour and transfers of Uyghur people managed by the Bingtuan and commanded by the central party-state. An explainer 🧵
The Bingtuan (#Xinjiang Production & Construction Corps) is a state-run corporation, functioning as regional government, paramilitary organisation, prisons bureau, media empire, education system, and one of world’s largest state-run corporations.
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Established in the 1950s by former PLA and GMD soldiers, the Bingtuan describes itself as representing China’s ancient “settling the frontier culture” (屯垦文化) with “plough in one hand, gun in the other”
The “frontier” meaning the homeland of Uyghurs and Kazakhs in the region known as #Xinjiang. They have always described its land seizures and production methods as colonialism.
The Bingtuan is organised into military divisions. We focus on the 3rd Division of Tumshuq, which runs prisons and camps, as a case study exemplifying increased government funding for forced labour.
China’s party-state considers it a “special system of integration of government, military and enterprise,” holding ¼ of region’s arable land, running its own prisons & courts, and helping settle Han in the region.
Since coming to power, Xi Jinping has been clear that the Bingtuan’s mission reflects 2,000 years of China’s unbroken settler culture but is under direct command of the central party-state.
Our report shows how the Bingtuan plays a crucial role in maintaining the party’s authority and in targeting Uyghur identities as security threats though land expropriation, forcible migration, pre-emptive policing, religious persecution, and forced labour.
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What does this have to do with the outside world?
Bingtuan runs 862,000 entities globally w/ 50%+ stake in 2,873 companies. Many holdings in agriculture & construction but also energy, mining, chemicals, oil & gas, logistics, electronics, wine, food, insurance, and tourism.
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The Bingtuan produces around 8% of the world’s cotton and 1/3 of the world’s tomatoes used in paste. Its products and services reach global markets and operate construction projects across the world.
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You are likely wearing clothes and eating tomato sauce made by people who have been taken from their homes by officials and forced to work in factories.
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What is the Bingtuan trying to achieve?
All its enterprises and investment projects are expected to engage in the government’s programs to “transform” Uyghur people by “transfering” and coercing them into labour-intensive work.
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The Bingtuan’s labour transfers differ from those elsewhere in China in terms of the population proportion population targeted and the racialisation of that targeting, with the goal of transforming ethnic identities towards China's "great revival".
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What is being done?
The US government sanctioned the Bingtuan and banned imports. Other countries have sanctioned Bingtuan officials. The Bingtuan and it's subsidiaries are branches of the party-state, not private businesses, and should be treated accordingly.
Thank you to @BethanyAllenEbr and @axios for their reporting on this research and this important story.
The report analyses Xi’s thinking and the centralised decision-making behind Xinjiang policy, institutional shifts to ensure policy implementation, and the arbitrary nature of mass detention of Turkic-speaking Muslim communities.
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It explains how China’s political system operates and analyses the thinking behind genocide in Xinjiang. The PRC is moving towards totalitarianism: personalised rule, mass mobilisation and surveillance, and ideological education.
Some book reviews! My fieldwork in Urumchi #Xinjiang planned to explore relations between Han, #Uyghurs, & party-state, particularly how urban groups most exposed to party education understand each other and how interactions shape #nationalism#security
What wasn't planned was 2009 mass violence. Han & #Uyghurs explained violence with narratives familiar from living there previously but crystallised into starker boundaries & insecurity. #China's party-state framed Uyghur identities as security problems, intensifying insecurity.
I had hoped to live there again during more peaceful times and even explore some themes in the reviews below. But Xi's ethnic extinction policies and his closed "new era" means we have to learn and use new methods.
After the 2009 violence between Han, #Uyghurs, and #Xinjiang’s security organs, #China’s party-state used region-wide compulsory “ethnic unity education” to "defeat separatism." A key text from those classes is now available. What does it tell us? 🧵
The text is hosted on @YXiaocuo ‘s Xinjiang Documentation Project website. Their goal is to uplift survivors’ voices and create a reliable resource to combat state-sponsored erasure of evidence and partisan presentation of the crisis in Xinjiang
To pass compulsory “ethnic unity” (minzu tuanjie) exams, schoolchildren, students, and state employees had to chant together in class and pass exams on their own identity and official narratives of history and separatism
I reviewed The Xinjiang Papers by @adrianzenz, official document leak from China’s party-state. His argument that targeting of Uyghurs intensified under Xi Jinping’s commands is clearly made, logically sound, and supported with strong evidence. A thread 🧵 uyghurtribunal.com
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Authentication.
I read original documents and would have refused to review this without them. These can’t be released to protect people’s safety....
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...The transcripts are accurate. Most policies and narratives (Sinicisation, Three Evils, Great Revival) are familiar from researching official media, cadre meetings, and “patriotic education”. Many quotes and references to the documents are online.
What have we learned in 11 years since mass violence between Han, #Uyghurs, and the state in #Xinjiang?
Since the emergence of internment camps sparked wider interest in the subject, many discussions catalogue incidents of violence and describe how the party-state responded. Considerably less attention is paid to why the state responds this way
...particularly why it conceives and punishes some acts of violence and resistance as existential threats but not others. Leaving underlying thinking behind policy and state violence unproblematised rationalises the behaviour and interests of the state as natural and inevitable.