Value conflicts can be internal (e.g. an individual having to choose between competing values at a personal level) or external (e.g. an individual's personal values conflicting with a competing value system in their professional or social environment).
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In the workplace, value conflicts can create the perception that a competing value system is keeping a person from achieving good or just outcomes, or can lead to ethical dilemmas. The tension can be difficult to identify, but pervasive and demoralizing.
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Let's start with Castlereagh's values. He was more policymaker than politician, placing greater value on pursuing the best policy than scoring partisan political points. Hobhouse observed that Castlereagh had one fault as Leader of the House: he was too willing to compromise.
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Castlereagh took personal and public honour very seriously (ask Canning, who had a bullet wound to prove it). Talleyrand observed during negotiations that Castlereagh was very concerned about any perception that he was negotiating in bad faith or compromising his word.
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Now, let's take the Irish Union policy and Catholic emancipation as an initial example. For Castlereagh, the most effective union policy included Catholic emancipation. However, idea of emancipation clashed with the values of the traditionalist elements of the establishment.
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In turn, this led to a constitutional clash of values between elected ministers and the King, which ultimately ended the government and undercut the Union policy.
True to his convictions, Castlereagh continued to support emancipation, albeit subtly.
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Moving later in Castlereagh's career, and into diplomacy, Castlereagh was personally accountable for trying to balance the conflicting values of Britain's constitutional system and the authoritarian monarchies of the Holy Alliance.
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For Castlereagh, a defensive alliance system based on rules was the best guarantor of security and, hence, the best policy to pursue. In his 1820 State Paper, he laid out such a policy indicating that it would be consistent with Britain's constitutional values.
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However, the aggressive tendencies of the authoritarian allies, based on very different political values, threatened to undercut the alliance system’s legitimacy in a way that Castlereagh knew would make it increasingly difficult for Britain to participate.
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Playing out at the same time, the trial of Queen Caroline represented a value conflict similar to those Castlereagh had experienced following the Irish Union: royal interests clashing with ministerial judgement.
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For the King the trial was about personal interest, but the Cabinet had to grapple with the larger political costs to the govt's (and Crown's) reputation and the opportunity cost to its larger policy agenda. For Ministers, the trial was a blow to their ability to govern.
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These value conflicts may seem abstract, but consider their cumulative impact on Castlereagh by 1821...
The value conflicts he experienced in Ireland stayed with him--for many in Ireland he was too British, and for the Protestant establishment he was too pro-Catholic.
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Also, the alliance system that Castlereagh had nurtured for nearly a decade was beginning to crack at the foundations, pulled apart in ways by different political value systems. He needed more time for careful diplomacy, more policy work, or--quite likely--both.
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Instead of being able to direct his energy towards Britain's foreign policy, Castlereagh was drawn into the King's pursuit of a divorce, which he thought unwise and too politically costly from the beginning and resulted in very little except lost time and effort.
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In short, Castlereagh valued the technical skills of policymaking and statecraft, but by 1821 numerous value conflicts (both old and new) were undermining his efforts to achieve success in these areas, increasing the cumulative stress on his already overburdened mind.
Image: Richard Dighton, @britishmuseum (BM), 1852,1116.559
Between roughly 1818-1828, Richard Dighton did a series of profile portraits of men in Regency London's high society. Most were etchings, and the BM has digitized many prints held in its collection--they are worth your time if you're interested in Regency society, style, and art.
The earlier prints of this particular portrait, published individually by Dighton himself, are clearly dated to July 1821. Copies show up in the collections of the @britishmuseum, @NPGLondon, and @RCT.
(details shown here are from prints in the BM and RCT collections)
The late-Renaissance building with an inner courtyard surrounded by arcades was multi-functional: it housed the royal stables, guest apartments, the royal art collection, and an armoury. In fact, the ground floor is still used as the stables for the vaunted Lipizzaner Stallions.
Around 1711 the Stallburg also became the home of the Ziffernkanzlei--the 'Number Office.'
A name both suggestive and vague (and one of many used throughout the organization's existence), it was really the secret office for mail interception and decryption.
Castlereagh Creeping the House of Lords, or the Story of a Misidentified Portrait.
A 🧵
2 artists captured the proceedings against Queen Caroline in the #HouseofLords in 1820, and both include #ViscountCastlereagh. Let's start with James Stephanoff.
Stephanoff shows Castlereagh perched on a staircase, watching from a small window. The 1823 key for Stephanoff's work identifies this figure as "The Marquis of Londonderry [Castlereagh], who usually took his station on the stairs leading to the gallery during the investigation."
The other portrayal of the trial is, of course, George Hayter's monumental painting. Hayter, however, shows Castlereagh positioned in the box of the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, on the bottom right corner.
I was at a loss for how to mark the day after spending the last 2 years writing the research article on which all these tweets are based.
Maybe something more reflective is fitting.
I had always been interested in Castlereagh from a diplomatic and political standpoint...
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...and became increasingly interested in exploring the mental health aspect of his story because it was a challenging area that would combine history, politics, psychology, medicine, and other disciplines.
In the last few months of #Castlereagh200 threads we've covered a lot of ground, looking at many stressors that put Castlereagh's #MentalHealth at risk.
Now that we're only days from the bicentenary of his death, let's look at some conclusions.
First, the stress on Castlereagh was cumulative and pervasive. The downward spiral that he experienced in the weeks preceding his suicide was only the final chapter in a story that had been developing for yrs. The overlap between the professional and the social made it worse.
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Castlereagh was arguably a successful policymaker. But what did that require? He had to be a strategist, a tactician, a courtier, a whip, an orator, a master of protocol, an ambassador, a traveller, a negotiator, a socialite, and a political campaigner.
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As we turn the corner into the week of August 12, I want to focus this #Castlereagh200 🧵 on a final area of #MentalHealth risk connected to the workplace: job insecurity.
If you've been following these #Castlereagh200 threads, you may call that I'm drawing from a risk framework that forms the basis for my upcoming article on Castlereagh and mental health. See the attached table, adapted from Boini, 2020 and Gollac et al, 2011.
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Job insecurity has long been recognized as a mental health risk. But was Castlereagh's job insecure? No.
Electorally he was in safe seats, only losing his home seat briefly in 1805. His position in Cabinet after 1812 was arguably more secure than Liverpool's.