I am getting a lot of emails about "the rise of the far right in Europe" the last days. That generally means that there are two countries that gained broader attention in which the far right does well. But how significant is this "rise" really? #thread 🧵
In Sweden 🇸🇪, #SwedenDemocrats gained 3% compared to 2018. Taking into account slightly lower turnout, it was actually 2%.
2022: 20.5% x 84.2% = 17.26%
2018: 17.5% x 87.1% = 15.24%
In France, Marine Le Pen gained effectively (% of electorate) just o.6% in 1st round and 4.6% in 2nd round.
2022: 23.2% x 73.7% = 17.2%
2017: 21.3% x 77.8% = 16.6%
2022: 41.5% x 72.0% = 29.9%
2017: 33.9% x 74.6% = 25.3%
In Italy, polls do predict a significant increase of radical right (FdI + Lega): roughly +11%. However, if you look at Right Bloc, and include FI, gains will be closer to 3-4%. And we don't know turnout yet. Not to speak of loss MS5, which had very right-wing campaign in 2018.
Previously, we had serious gains in Portugal (Chega), losses in Slovenia (both SNS out of parliament, SDS out of government!), and insignificant result in Malta.
And this ignore (small) losses for far right in Czechia, Germany, and Norway versus (small) gains in Cyprus and the Netherlands -- Bulgaria is a bit too volatile to include, while Iceland had no far right!
I am excluding the massive victory for Fidesz in Hungary because, as now finally is being acknowledged within the EU too, those elections were not free and fair and Hungary has ceased to be a democracy.
I am not trying to argue that (1) the far right is not on the rise; or (2) the far right is not a major player (and danger) in Europe. Rather, I think media should stop with these opportunistic short-term perspectives ("death" in 2020, "rise" in 2022) and focus on long term!
Moreover, and most importantly, the rise of far-right parties is only part of the story. The facilitating and mainstreaming of far-right parties as well as the adoption of far-right frames and positions by other parties is at least as important and barely addressed in media.
The far right (not "populism") is the main threat to democracies around the world in the early 21st century. It has killed liberal democracy in Hungary (and possibly India), is trying to do so in Brazil, Poland and the US, and is weakening it across the EU.
This deserves and necessitates serious analysis from academics, journalists, and pundits. Cheap sensationalism and opportunistic "change" coverage obscures more than it explains. We need to do better! #TheEnd
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With this bang on the gong 22 scholars, including me, were officially inducted into the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Science or @_knaw , joining roughly 600 others. Sadly, I had to do it online.
An enormous honor after a not very traditional career. A quick #thread 🧵
1. I never thought about, or wanted to, become an academic. I never excelled at, or enjoyed, school and even had to repeat 5th class in high school. I mainly entered university to avoid military service (then still compulsory in the Netherlands).
2. I graduated high school with five 6s and two 7s (out of 10) and profited from the fact that universities in the Netherlands are not competitive and allow anyone with the proper high school degree to enter (irrespective of their grades). 🙏
Great thread by my colleague @AmandaMurdie (read it!). Some additions:
1. Journals require too many reviews (2 is enough). 2. Pool of reviewers of most journals is too small. 3. Pools overlap too much. 4. Too many submissions!
The debate about democratic erosion continues to make the classic mistake of externalizing the threats, focusing on the extremist margins rather than the political mainstream. 🧵
1. Case in point, with regard of #January6th almost all focus is on the people who storming the Capitol rather than those inside of it.
2. People and organizations we should focus less on:
I finally read the whole book by @A_SHEKH0VTS0V on the relationship between Russia and the Western far right. It is essential reading for academics, journos, and think tankers working/writing on the topic.
1. For me personally, it was more insightful on Russia's position on the far right than the far right's position on Russia. This is not just because I know the far right better, but because Anton's analysis of the Kremlin and Russian politics is excellent.
2. He highlights how Russia prefers mainstream political actors ("Putin Versteher") but is kind of forced to rely increasingly on "radical" actors because of Russia's increasingly toxic image in the West.
Most non-Americans have no clue how acute and significant the threat to US democracy really is. More problematically, most Americans do not either.
I know many people will find this "alarmist", but I have been studying the far right for almost three decades, and have never been an alarmist - in fact, have often been accused of underestimating it.
"Fascism" is not around the corner. This is a different threat! And while the far right is global, the threat of the far right is minor in most countries. But in some, and this includes the biggest democracies (🇧🇷🇮🇳🇺🇸), the threat to liberal democracy is acute and significant!.