🧵 From Adani–NDTV to sycophancy that often results in comical visuals, TV news in India increasingly resembles the theatre of the absurd. How did we get here?
From 2015, Krishn Kaushik’s (@Krishn_) definitive profile of NDTV, which was among the first in-depth reports that highlighted the Roys’ convoluted maze of financial transactions.
From 2012, “Fast and Furious,” Rahul Bhatia’s (@rahulabhatia) profile of Arnab Goswami, a former NDTV anchor who was “possessed of an acid personality that singed the newsroom often.”
From 2020, Christophe Jaffrelot (@jaffrelotc) and Vihang Jumle (@vihangjumle) demonstrate that the debates on Republic TV have been consistently biased in favour of the Modi government and the Bharatiya Janata Party’s ideology.
From 2017, Nikita Saxena (@nikita1712) and Atul Dev’s profile of Rajeev Chandrashekhar, a BJP politician who was a major investor in Republic TV, and his massive media empire that straddles languages and states.
From 2016, “Our Man in the Studio,” Atul Dev and Praveen Donthi’s profile of the India TV editor-in-chief, Rajat Sharma, who, as one veteran editor put it, was “the only journalist Modi trusts.”
From 2018, Nikita Saxena’s (@nikita1712) profile of Anjana Om Kashyap and Aaj Tak. “The story of Aaj Tak is the story of how Hindi journalism collapsed,” a senior Hindi editor told Saxena. “And Anjana is one part of that story.”
From 2022, Aathira Konikkara’s (@aathira_vk) profile of the India Today group. Konikkara writes that the group’s standards began to slide long before its founder, Aroon Purie, handed over control to his daughter, Kalli.
From 2013, Rahul Bhatia’s (@rahulabhatia) report on the journey of Network18, Raghav Bahl and Reliance’s inroads into news media. As the 2014 elections were coming into view, Bhatia noted, “Bahl’s network has begun to tilt noticeably rightward.”
From 2022, Hartosh Singh Bal’s (@HartoshSinghBal) comment piece arguing that what we should really be asking is why people like Gautam Adani and Mukesh Ambani should have any stake in the journalistic enterprise at all.
⚡ Ramdev lifting Arnab Goswami off the ground as a feat of strength. Rahul Kanwal skipping rope with a union minister.
How did TV news get here?
In our latest #CaravanCollections, we bring you a selection of stories on the nation’s biggest outlets that help answer this:
From 2015, Krishn Kaushik’s (@Krishn_) definitive profile of NDTV, which, among other things, has produced many star anchors that came to define television news.
From 2012, Rahul Bhatia’s (@rahulabhatia) profile of Arnab Goswami, a former NDTV anchor who was “possessed of an acid personality that singed the newsroom often.”
The biggest question confronting India on COVID is: how many people died? What we know is that in four months, between April and July 2021, the plague caused more deaths among Indian citizens than any invasion by enemy forces could have inflicted.
In the absence of data from India’s Sample Registration System, scientists have had to rely on alternative approaches to estimate COVID-19 mortality. India’s official COVID-19 death count is under half a million.
The RSS and the Sangh Parivar’s appendages beyond Indian borders often remain overlooked—including in the United States, where they mobilise extensive ideological and material support for the Sangh’s Hindu-chauvinist agenda.
Ram Vishwanathan’s report on how groups such as the VHP America, the Overseas Friends of BJP and the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh have developed their influence over US politics and promoted Hindutva as a key “Hindu-American interest.”
Pieter Friedrich’s investigation of the campaign finances of Tulsi Gabbard, a dark-horse contender for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination, reveals how her meteoric rise was fuelled by a torrent of donations from the Sangh.
#DelhiViolence | 23 Feb marks two years since anti-Muslim violence unfolded in northeast Delhi.
Here is a master thread of our coverage—ground reports, testimonies of survivors and in-depth investigations into the BJP and the Delhi Police’s complicity in the violence.
On 23 Feb 2020, a clash between a Hindu mob that gathered at Maujpur and anti-CAA protesters, who had occupied the road at the Jafrabad metro, marked the beginning of over three days of communal violence in the national capital.
The then deputy commissioner Ved Prakash Surya’s passive demeanour next to BJP leader Kapil Mishra seemed to send a clear message—the latter’s threats of violence had the support of the Delhi Police. #DelhiViolence
On the intervening night of 30 November and 1 December 2014, the judge BH Loya died under mysterious circumstances. At the time, he was presiding over the Sohrabuddin encounter case, in which Amit Shah was the prime accused.
The Caravan's coverage of the death of #JudgeLoya:
Over numerous conversations with Loya’s family members, @niranjan_takle pieced together a chilling description of what #JudgeLoya went through while presiding over the Sohrabuddin trial, and of what happened following his death.
#JudgeLoya’s sister Anuradha Biyani said that Loya confided in her that Mohit Shah—then the chief justice of the Bombay HC—offered him a bribe of Rs 100 crore for a favourable judgment in the Sohrabuddin case.
#Thread | Today marks two years since the central government abrogated Kashmir’s special status by reading down #Article370 of the Constitution.
In “State Subjects,” The Caravan featured a collection of voices from various parts of the erstwhile state:
Replug | Kargil is closer to Srinagar than it is to Leh. Most of the region’s life essentials—from groceries to daily supplies—come from Kashmir. The people of Kargil have always endorsed the unity of the state.
Replug | Our union territory would have been welcome by everyone if the government had brought it in a democratic way, via dialogue. How will we justify this to our future generations?