Kristi Raik Profile picture
Jun 18 7 tweets 2 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
I’m hearing the argument from the US and Germany that #Ukraine’s #NATO membership might weaken NATO’s deterrence for the current eastern flank countries – so, I’m told, think twice if you want Ukraine in NATO.
Some thoughts on this👇
Unlike some of our western allies, eastern flank countries are convinced that Ukraine’s membership will strengthen NATO, especially NATO's ability to deter the Russian threat.
The risk that NATO will end up fighting a war against Russia will be higher if Ukraine is denied NATO membership.
Disagreements over Ukraine's NATO membership remind me of another difference between eastern and western NATO members, which has shaped their views on supporting Ukraine:
Western allies have seen nuclear escalation as the biggest threat, and have therefore imposed limits on their support to Ukraine - only to be gradually lifted, with no consequent escalation from the Russian side, while
Eastern allies have felt most threated by Russia's invasion and occupation reaching them, and have therefore given maximum support to Ukraine.
To conclude: perhaps it is worth listening to Russia’s neighbours when it comes to deterring the Russian threat.

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More from @KristiRaik

May 14
As #LennartMeriConference is drawing to a close, some take-aways from many stimulating debates on stage and in the margins.
Supporting Ukraine has become the only possible position to take. Yet the limits of Western unity are hard to hide, with constant arguments over:
🧶
- the extent and speed of military support to Ukraine, now focused on F16s
- expected outcome of the war, and what does the level of expectation mean for Western policy
- Ukraine’s path to NATO and EU membership, where major steps forward should be made this year
I just don’t get the logic of those who argue that Ukraine is unlikely to liberate all territories, and therefore we should limit Western support, but this argument keeps being made.
Read 11 tweets
Apr 2
Exciting parliamentary #elections in #Finland today, coming 4 weeks after elections in #Estonia. Being a keen observer of both countries, some comparative remarks.🧶
1. Strong women played a prominent role in both campaigns. Both PMs @kajakallas and @MarinSanna have been international stars with a similar security agenda: Ukraine must win, Russia must leave all territories of 🇺🇦. Marin had an important role in taking Finland swiftly to NATO.
2. However, if they were in the same country, Kallas and Marin would hardly form a coalition together due to differences over economic policy – just as it would/will be difficult in Finland to form a coalition between right-wing National Coalition and Marin’s Social Democrats.
Read 8 tweets
Mar 13
Sharp piece on the troubles of European defence by @maxbergmann @SophiaBesch
Estonia's initiative can be a game-changer:
"if the EU can jointly procure ammunition, there is no reason why it can’t take similar steps to jointly acquire artillery or..." 1/4
foreignaffairs.com/ukraine/why-eu…
The obstacles to closer EU defence cooperation are deeper though than tension between the interests of US and European defence industries. 2/4
Countries next to Russia are facing an existential threat, knowing that their European allies are neither materially nor mentally ready to counter it for many years to come. 3/4
Read 4 tweets
Mar 2
I’ve been talking to dozens of western journalists and diplomats over the past months on the upcoming elections in 🇪🇪. The most common question I get (in many variations): is the Russian-speaking population a threat to Estonia's security? Some reflections.🧵
No, the main threat to 🇪🇪 security is not our Russian-speaking population. It is Russia.
The possibility of Russia interfering in any country having a Russian minority has to be taken seriously.
The Russian security doctrine claims the right to interfere in external countries in order to defend Russians. This was one of the main reasons Russia presented for starting war against Ukraine.
Read 11 tweets
Jan 16
Some thoughts on Ukraine’s victory/Russia’s defeat. During the first weeks after 24 Feb invasion, the dominant view among Western experts was that Ukraine was doomed to lose. Russia was a major power, far bigger and stronger than Ukraine – supposedly. They were wrong.🧶
Where are we now?🇺🇦victory is increasingly seen as possible, and yet many Western experts think that Ukraine liberating all of its territories is too much to expect and would be too dangerous. Perhaps they are wrong again. We should not turn this into a self-fulfilling prophecy.
As long as Russia occupies even a small part of Ukraine’s territory, there can be no enduring peace. The West cannot legitimize it without destroying the principle that borders must not be changed by force – a principle it is thus far defending, however imperfectly.
Read 7 tweets
Jan 12
There’s an increasing amount of articles in Western media speculating about Russia’s collapse and disintegration. Having contributed to this trend myself, I think some points are worth clarifying.
First, collapse and disintegration are not necessarily the same thing. I’ve written about collapse, meaning collapse of the current regime and (perhaps) system, but this does not need to lead to Russia disintegrating into pieces – although it may.
Second, post-imperial Russia to some (incl. myself) means Russia that no longer seeks to dominate its neighbours. To others it means also disintegration of the Russian Federation, with colonised minorities establishing their own states. Again, one may lead to the other - or not.
Read 11 tweets

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