Mike Parsons Profile picture
Affiliate Scholar @NYULaw | Senior Legal Fellow @FairVote | election law, constitutional law, legislation, admin, federal courts | he/him/his
Aug 26, 2021 7 tweets 5 min read
Last week @TravisCrumLaw & @ProfNickStephan wrote two great summaries of #HR4 *as introduced* on @ElectionLawBlog. This week, the House passed HR4... but not before a few final tweaks, one of which is really worth highlighting: *retroactive* retrogression liability under § 2. /1 The John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act moved swiftly from introduction to passage, but there was one set of amendments agreed to at the last minute that can be found in House Report 117-117. /2

congress.gov/congressional-…
Aug 26, 2021 11 tweets 3 min read
Oof. Recently heard @RedistrictingMI hired BakerHostetler anyway. If MICRC is serious abt being truly independent they *really* need to hire at least one non-GOP-aligned attorney to be on the litigation team to provide them a second opinion.

Here's why... /1 The comments from the commissioners (D, R, & I alike) defending their choice reveal a troubling lack of awareness about the contestability + indeterminacy of redistricting doctrine and legal risks. /2
Feb 3, 2021 10 tweets 9 min read
The #ForThePeopleAct uses independent redistricting commissions (IRCs) to end #gerrymandering.

One problem: this reform might not happen *even if* @TheDemocrats pass #HR1/#S1.

In this @HarvLRev #HLRBlog post (+🧵), I explain why—and how to fix it.

blog.harvardlawreview.org/the-peril-and-… The timeline for IRCs' work is pegged to years "ending in the numeral zero," and the anti-gerrymandering criteria are tied to the IRCs' work.

In 2019, this made sense: IRCs started in 2020.

But in the 2021 version of #HR1, the effective date (§ 2435) is pushed out to *2030.*