"We must remain very critical towards China. But such criticism must always be based on facts and should not be driven by our demand that China should conform to our expectations." /2
Pieke than goes on to claim:
"The latter [our expectations] cannot be the benchmark for policy, no matter how strongly we feel about what happens there. China has become too important to warrant such a black-or-white view." /3
There are many problems with his argument.
Let me offer some critical reflections /4
Pieke argues that 'we' as outsiders are perhaps being overly judgmental of what happens in mainland China.
The problem with this argument is that China is part of a global discourse in which Chinese citizens and non-Chinese citizens, elites and masses are all participating in /5
For many discourse participants, China is not an academic abstraction, but a lived reality.
What happens in China has direct repercussions around the world.
So being critical of the party-state is not to be overly judgmental but a sign that 'we' actually care /6
But who are 'we'?
Today's discourse about China is no longer confined to academic or policy debates.
Active citizens from around the world participate in this debate: Europeans, Americans, Hong Kongers, Taiwanese, mainland Chinese etc
Twitter is the best example /7
To suggest that discourse participants should not be allowed to critique the arbitrary use of political power by the Chinese Communist Party based on their values and worldviews—and dare I say, ideologies—is nonsense.
That would strip discourse participants of their agency /8
I don't want to go all academic here, but for Pieke to suggest that values have no place in debates about contemporary China is just plain wrong.
Professor Nathan has rightly pointed out that "that value judgements may legitimately be made in the course of an inquiry" /9
There is an entire academic discourse about this fact/value dichotomy in social & political science research.
To cut a long story short: Pieke does the public discourse a disservice by suggesting that introducing values into the China debate leads to black and white views /10
Epilogue: We should not accept the authority of the Chinese Communist Party & also stop normalising the party-state.
As I have argued on @LiberaleModerne the CCP is a threat to academia, not just in China, but also to academics around the world /End
My article "The Chinese Communist Party’s hybrid interference and Germany's increasingly contentious China debate (2018-21)" has been published open access in the Journal of the European Association for Chinese Studies @JournalEACS. 🇩🇪🇨🇳 1/32 doi.org/10.25365/jeacs…
The Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) ambition to neutralise independent academia at home and abroad is the conundrum at the heart of this article. Strictly enforced political censorship has led to "educated acquiescence" (Elizabeth J. Perry, 2020) among scholars in China. 2/32
Based on a review of the literature on sharp power, hybrid interference, the United Front system, and the party-state's globalising censorship regime I argue that the Chinese Communist Party's rule by fear has induced self-censorship among many western academics, too. 3/32
2021 was a turbulent and yet productive year. I am happy that I could publish numerous op-eds, a policy primer and two academic articles. I hope that you found some of the texts thought provoking. A short thread 🧵 with links to my publications of 2021. 1/13
Fulda (2021), Wissenschaftsautonomie wahren. China und die Wissenschaft in Großbritannien, APuZ, 12 February 2021. 2/13 bpb.de/apuz/326885/ch…
Fulda (2021), Für einen Paradigmenwechsel in der deutschen Chinapolitik, China.Table, 6 April 2021. 3/13 table.media/china/standpun…
In light of the hard authoritarian turn under General Secretary Xi Jinping the terms #DemocraticDeterrence#DemocraticSecurity#DemocraticResilience need to enter the public lexicon. If you are interested in learning more I suggest the following key readings. A short thread 🧵/1
In terms of #DemocraticDeterrence Mikael Wigell's @MWigell article "Democratic Deterrence: How to Dissuade Hybrid Interference" is essential reading. His distinction between traditional deterrence and democratic deterrence is particularly illuminating /2 tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…
When it comes to #DemocraticSecurity Didi Kirsten Tatlow @dktatlow has offered ten practical steps to protect European democracy and sovereignty from influence and interference by the Chinese Communist Party. This text should be widely read /3 dgap.org/en/research/pu…
In my letter to @thetimes I call on British universities to adopt the Draft Model Code of Conduct (DMCC) developed by @AFI_WG. This would show that 🇬🇧 Higher Education institutions are serious about enhancing transparency and accountability in their cooperation with 🇨🇳 China /1
The biggest danger facing British higher education institutions now is complacency. When it comes to critically re-evaluating universities’ ties with 🇨🇳 China, students, academics, service professionals and vice-chancellors all have skin in the game. The time to act is now /2
British universities agreeing to adopt @AFI_WG’s Draft Model Code of Conduct (DMCC) would be a game changer. Taking such a step would stand universities in good stead with the government, and adopting the code could help to prevent heavy-handed state regulation in the future /3
German China scholars have to find an answer to China's increasing censorship on German academia, @DavidJRMissal and I write in @ForeignPolicy. If scholars don't act, the state has to step in and help protect academic freedom /1 foreignpolicy.com/2021/10/28/ger…
The most recent example of Chinese censorship is a cancelled book tour at Confucius Institutes affiliated with German universities. Last week, at the behest of a Chinese general consul, 2 journalists were disinvited from giving talks at CIs about their biography of Xi Jinping /2
Similar attacks on academia are becoming increasingly frequent. In response to western sanctions, the CCP retaliated by imposing counter-sanctions against, inter alia, western scholars and think tanks /3
Our article "Mitigating threats to academic freedom in Germany: the role of the state, universities, learned societies and China" has just been published open access in the International Journal of Human Rights @InRights /1 tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…
What follows is a brief summary. In our article we probe whether or not the ecosystem of organised academia in Germany defends academic freedom sufficiently, particularly in respect to attacks on it by the Chinese government /2
Despite constitutional guarantees of academic freedom, academics face multiple threats from populist politicians, dubious third-party funding, uncivil society, and misguided developments within German academia itself /3