I have provided social & political commentary on #Malawi for the past 18 years.
In all these years, the only constant has been the resolve of Malawians (at various intervals) to rise up and defend institutions of Democracy. These institutions, at critical moments, have listened.
In all these years, the only constant has been the resolve of Malawians (at various intervals) to rise up and defend institutions of Democracy. These institutions, at critical moments, have listened.
In the midst of poverty, lack of imagination, endless circuses, games of cards, hope for a better #Malawi has persisted. It is hope found in the young fishermen on the lakeshore; the hope of young women creatives who continue to create - to do. The hope of young Patriots.
It is with this hope, that I began asking myself how I could contribute to the 'development' of #Malawi, I country I grew up hearing and learning about during my father's time in exile.
When he could finally go back, in 1994, it was out of hope for better things to come.
When he could finally go back, in 1994, it was out of hope for better things to come.
At 10 years young, I couldn't quite grasp what had actually happened in the transition to Democracy. I also didn't quite appreciate the brutal dictatorship of Kamuzu Banda, and the ambivalence it had generated.
But there was something in the air, and it was FREEDOM.
But there was something in the air, and it was FREEDOM.
Between 1994-2000 I made it a point to spend at one of my school holidays in #Malawi. Thanks to my sister, Linda, all this was possible. So the bus ride would occur in these phases:
Mutare-->Harare-->Nyamapanda-->Cuchamano-->Tete-->Zobue-->Mwanza-->Lilongwe and later, Blantyre.
Mutare-->Harare-->Nyamapanda-->Cuchamano-->Tete-->Zobue-->Mwanza-->Lilongwe and later, Blantyre.
It is during this time that I really fell in love with #Malawi, even though it hadn't quite been home for me. I also learnt a lot - about Kamuzu Banda, about Bakili Muluzi (then president) and overall about politics.
Again, there was a lot of hope prevailing, from what I saw.
Again, there was a lot of hope prevailing, from what I saw.
Linda, as fate would have it, was part of the team/taskforce that had been tasked with developing a Vision2020 for Malawi.
I recall a few of the conversations we had about this; what was being said, the ideas that were being articulated etc. Again, hope...
I recall a few of the conversations we had about this; what was being said, the ideas that were being articulated etc. Again, hope...
It was really around the time of the 'Third Term' debate (Bakili Muluzi's attempt at staying in power) that I really became engaged, and started writing consistently, about #Malawi.
Starting from about 1999 & eventually collapsing in 2002, Muluzi's attempt was an early test.
Starting from about 1999 & eventually collapsing in 2002, Muluzi's attempt was an early test.
A freedom so young (5years) was facing a significant test; the president didn't want to leave, even as it was clear he was going to enjoy 2 full terms in power. He wanted more.
Yet, what he wanted for himself, the institutions in #Malawi did not want for the country.
Yet, what he wanted for himself, the institutions in #Malawi did not want for the country.
Throughout the whole 'debate' the country was pushed to limits. Still, I didn't quite appreciate what was at stake. I was 16 in 2000; 18 when Muluzi's bid collapsed.
I remember some of the news headlines & sadly, I also remember the violence, as the nation turned on itself.💔
I remember some of the news headlines & sadly, I also remember the violence, as the nation turned on itself.💔
The country was basically divided into two camps:
1) "Ayimanso" (he will stand again);
2) "Sayimanso" (he won't stand again).
It was a battle fought in the courts, parliament and the streets.
With the backing of State power, the Ayimanso camp unleashed violence with impunity.
1) "Ayimanso" (he will stand again);
2) "Sayimanso" (he won't stand again).
It was a battle fought in the courts, parliament and the streets.
With the backing of State power, the Ayimanso camp unleashed violence with impunity.
I remember seeing, in Limbe (just outside Blantyre) a truckload full of young United Democratic Front (UDF) supporters stop to harass equally young citizens who had defiantly screamed, as the truck drove past, "Sayimanso".
Machetes. Sticks. Stones. Blood on the streets...Why?
Machetes. Sticks. Stones. Blood on the streets...Why?
Muluzi didn't care, of course. An orator of note, charismatic and witty, he is - perhaps - the functional equivalent of Chief Nanga in Chinua Achebe's 'A Man of the People'.
Hence, he pushed and pushed for an unconstitutional 3rd term in office but the institutions held out.
Hence, he pushed and pushed for an unconstitutional 3rd term in office but the institutions held out.
But this 3rd term debacle was a sign of things to come. While it revealed the strength of institutions in #Malawi, it also revealed just how vulnerable & open to capture they were - as long as Malawians were not interested in defending such institutions.
Lessons.
Lessons.
"Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it," says Frantz Fanon.
He is correct.
We had the generation that stood against colonialism, and won. The one that stood against Kamuzu and won, with many paying with their lives.
He is correct.
We had the generation that stood against colonialism, and won. The one that stood against Kamuzu and won, with many paying with their lives.
"Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it."
We also have those who stood against Muluzi's 3rd Term bid, and won. History will write the names of judges, lawyers and political scientists etc. It must not forget THE PEOPLE.
We also have those who stood against Muluzi's 3rd Term bid, and won. History will write the names of judges, lawyers and political scientists etc. It must not forget THE PEOPLE.
When Bakili Muluzi brought Bingu wa Mutharika to 'replace' him as the UDF's leader in the 2004 general elections, he flouted all the rules of his party. Despite some resistance, he still managed to have his way and imposed Bingu.
The 2004 election was, again, a test for Malawi.
The 2004 election was, again, a test for Malawi.
In short, Muluzi remained Chairman of the UDF while Bingu became Head of State, but without control of the party that had sponsored him into power. It was never going to work.
But Muluzi still thought he could have his 3rd Term, via the backdoor. Bingu wouldn't let him.
But Muluzi still thought he could have his 3rd Term, via the backdoor. Bingu wouldn't let him.
But on the day of Bingu's inauguration in 2004, something happened. Riots broke out in Blantyre as People protested the election results, and Mutharika's victory.
In the ensuing chaos, 9-year old Epiphania Bonjesi was shot dead by Malawi Police. She was sitting on the verandah.
In the ensuing chaos, 9-year old Epiphania Bonjesi was shot dead by Malawi Police. She was sitting on the verandah.
It is in the killing of young Epiphania that it dawned on me that #Malawi was not prepared to care for, and reward its young people. Thanks to the reporters who pursued the story, some form of accountability was demanded.
But the damage had been done. Epiphania is gone, forever.
But the damage had been done. Epiphania is gone, forever.
The politicians were in it for themselves. In his 10 years in power, Muluzi amassed so much wealth - cash, properties, land, cars (Range Rovers, Bentleys etc.) and he basically pissed on the poor. He didn't care, as long as he could buy support, often for as little as MWK50.
Bingu didn't the same. After he dumped the UDF, he formed the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), managing to win elections by a landslide in 2009. Perhaps it was this victory that gave him a god-complex.
But he too, like Kamuzu and Muluzi before him, was resisted.
But he too, like Kamuzu and Muluzi before him, was resisted.
Taking advantage of the State's monopoly on violence, & activating the apparatus he had inherited from the UDF, Bingu repeatedly threatened activists who demanded accountability from his government.
He didn't listen.
He didn't listen.
When in July 2011 Malawians took to the streets to demand political & economic reforms, Mutharika's government responded with more violence, killing at least 21 people in the process.
He couldn't be bothered to express remorse, let alone address the issues afflicting Malawians.
He couldn't be bothered to express remorse, let alone address the issues afflicting Malawians.
In less than a year, Bingu would succumb to a heart attack. Like Muluzi before him, his way of resolving succession in the DPP (and the presidency, logically) was to impose his own brother, Peter.
Even though this move was met with some internal resistance, Bingu had his way.
Even though this move was met with some internal resistance, Bingu had his way.
The debacle surrounding Bingu's death and attempts by his brother, Peter, to illegally assume power is well-documented.
Save to say, it was again #Malawi's institutions of Democracy that stood firm and protected the integrity of our democratic aspirations as a nation.
Save to say, it was again #Malawi's institutions of Democracy that stood firm and protected the integrity of our democratic aspirations as a nation.
So in the aftermath of Bingu's death and all the drama, Joyce Banda became Malawi's first-ever woman president, only the 2nd in #Africa after Ellen Sirleaf-Johnson. It was a historic and proud moment for a country not known for much positive news.
Yet in only 2 years, Banda's presidency unravelled. There is much to still investigate as causing the failure to win an election as an incumbent - time, resources and a strong political base, among other factors.
But she too, like Bakili & Bingu before her, made mistakes...
But she too, like Bakili & Bingu before her, made mistakes...
When it became clear that she was not going to win the 2014 elections, Joyce Banda issued a directive and called a radio station to announce she had nullified the election.
What then transpired will need more in-depth historical reflection. #Malawi was, yet again, on the brink.
What then transpired will need more in-depth historical reflection. #Malawi was, yet again, on the brink.
But once again, institutions of Democracy stood firm & protected the integrity of our collective aspirations for democracy.
This isn't to say they were not threatened, or that they didn't come under attack. They did, fiercely so. But they managed to hold and resist the attacks.
This isn't to say they were not threatened, or that they didn't come under attack. They did, fiercely so. But they managed to hold and resist the attacks.
And who was there in defence of these institutions? The PEOPLE.
Fast forward to 2019. Another election year.
Fast forward to 2019. Another election year.
Again, the story of the 2019 elections in #Malawi is well-documented, thanks to a whole lot more access to information and unprecedented interest in the process.
Yesterday, the Supreme Court upheld the view that these elections were null & void. No surprises...
Yesterday, the Supreme Court upheld the view that these elections were null & void. No surprises...
But the Supreme Court outcome seems to have surprised a lot of non-Malawians, especially those across SADC. This is understandable, given how compromised most institutions of Democracy are in some of these countries.
In hailing #Malawi's courts, do not forget THE PEOPLE.
In hailing #Malawi's courts, do not forget THE PEOPLE.
Since May 2019, most Malawians have been in the streets, protesting the vote outcome. They have been shot at by law enforcement, derided by inconvenienced elites, and insulted by president Mutharika. But they didn't give up, standing firm and resolute.
This victory is a victory of the People. But it carries with it several lessons and opportunities for the future of political organising in #Malawi.
It's a long way back to 1994. An even longer way back to 1964, when we became an independent nation. So much time has passed...
It's a long way back to 1994. An even longer way back to 1964, when we became an independent nation. So much time has passed...
Back to Fanon: "Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it."
#Malawi has one of the youngest populations in the world; at least 50% of the population is under 18. It is for them, we must develop plans with tangible results.
#Malawi has one of the youngest populations in the world; at least 50% of the population is under 18. It is for them, we must develop plans with tangible results.
The Vision2020 that was worked on the mid-90s ceased being a point of reference as soon as it was submitted. So have many other plans since. This is why we are where we are as nation. But something's gotta give.
It's no longer business as usual in #Malawi. Once again...HOPE.
It's no longer business as usual in #Malawi. Once again...HOPE.
Went into my library, remembered I had this insightful collection of reflections: 'From Freedom to Empowerment: Ten Years of Democratisation in #Malawi' 
Reports of political violence in #Malawi are worrying. It's a dangerous culture and practice that has continuously undone what our democratic institutions have attempted to do.
That young people are used as agents of terror is truly regrettable. We should do better.
That young people are used as agents of terror is truly regrettable. We should do better.
"Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it," says Frantz Fanon.
A lot of young people in #Malawi are behind the electoral ouster of incumbent, president Peter Mutharika. This victory - a clear political statement - is theirs.
A lot of young people in #Malawi are behind the electoral ouster of incumbent, president Peter Mutharika. This victory - a clear political statement - is theirs.
The incoming administration is a loose and extremely fragile arrangement that is bringing its own challenges, not least among them the hangers-on who are expecting rewards for their 'service'.
The next few days are going to be telling. The real drama will start unfolding.
The next few days are going to be telling. The real drama will start unfolding.
A few issues also require consideration:
1) the state of political parties in #Malawi (esp. Intra-Party Democracy);
2) Further strengthening of democratic institutions (electoral commission, judiciary, army, police, media etc.);
3) Economic & Social Policy;
4) Popular Agency
1) the state of political parties in #Malawi (esp. Intra-Party Democracy);
2) Further strengthening of democratic institutions (electoral commission, judiciary, army, police, media etc.);
3) Economic & Social Policy;
4) Popular Agency
Party coalitions aren't new in #Malawi. This explains why, in the aftermath of that famous Court order, electoral alliances were 'easy' to forge. But they can - as they have before - fall apart as easily as they formed.
This is the most immediate challenge facing Chakwera.
This is the most immediate challenge facing Chakwera.
The pracarity of the Tonse Alliance arises because of the lack of a distinct ideology - and Malawian parties aren't wholeheartedly ideological. But we can deduce certain meaning from their manifestos, as well the ideas of of their leaders and supporters.
The Malawi Congress Party (MCP), which is the part effectively running the presidency, is an ultra-conservative party. It is the party of former dictator, Hastings Kamuzu Banda.
Led, as it is, by a Christian in Rev. Chakwera, we are going to see forms of religious fundamentalism
Led, as it is, by a Christian in Rev. Chakwera, we are going to see forms of religious fundamentalism
Saulos Chilima is, perhaps, the biggest beneficiary out of this arrangement, despite only getting the Vice Presidency. He is in luck; the Constitution is firmly on his side and he can personally mitigate the inevitable fallout with Chakwera. Personally, he is sorted.
As a party, however, Chilima's UTM (a very fragile & loose coalition of wounded politicians itself) risks being swallowed by the MCP. After all, this is what coalition politics are all about - stronger parties quickly move to demobilise weaker parties in the alliance. UTM is done
The reason why UTM will quickly fall apart is because of infighting regarding positions in govt. etc. Without UTM, Chakwera wouldn't have pulled of the electoral victory. He will have to reward the party. Problem is: there are way too many people in line, waiting...
Yet, it became apparent that he had no viable alternative plan except being young, with some professional admin experience. He was, we should remember, Mutharika's 'safe bet' as running mate in 2014. But he has never been a really committed politician; perhaps he is conflicted.
We shouldn't forget, also, the sham that was the UTM's first party convention, which revealed unrivaled ambition, divisions and a lack of coherence. As the great hope for young people in #Malawi, Saulos disappointed but he was the best option out there.
Perhaps the biggest loss here is that the UTM completely misjudged the level of support it would attract. So the stuttering at first, following a pattern of Saulos' own delays in leaving the DPP (where he still hoped to have a chance) robbed him of precious time to organise.
So, in government, one of the UTM's preoccupations will be to remain viable and resist being swallowed into the MCP. The problem here is this: the people who should be responsible for consolidating the UTM base by building and strengthening structures will rush for gvt. positions
This isn't a Malawian problem. Across #Africa, parties that find themselves in the same position as UTM take their best brains into gvt, leaving the Party vulnerable. Soon enough, structures collapse, supporters are demobilised & demoralised etc. It's really unfortunate.
Finally, on the UTM, one hopes both Chilima and Chakwera realise how unproductive, destructive and expensive tensions between the Pres. & Veep have been in #Malawi. It's a historical problem that needs to be addressed without taking away the Constitutional protections of the VP.
As for Atupele Muluzi and his UDF, it clear that further reflection is needed. Atupele's best shot at the presidency was in 2014 and he blew it. We will see him try to manoeuvre again but he needs to step aside for a while. He has been toxic.
What's going to happen, however, is that the DPP, without State power and access to resources, will collapse back into the UDF (where it came from). If the UDF had progressive thinkers, the party would be ain a very good position to reinvent itself. Sadly, this isn't the case.
Yet, in about 5 years' time, and possibly in the election of that year, the UDF might just surprise us. There will be a lot at play: the influence of the Muluzis (Father & Son) as well as the need for a credible opposition to the MCP government. So the UDF has to be reimagined.
Speaking of reimagination, the MCP's right-wing tendencies will 'force' the Party to actually consider the viability of a One-Party State (an instinct that is firmly within its DNA). Of course, the contemporary One-Party State doesn't have to mirror that of the '60s. No.
Rather, the Party just has to dominate. This is what the MCP will attempt to do over the next 5 years. In the absence of a credible opposition, and considering the demobilisatiom of popular agency (UTM + HRDC etc.) the space is open for MCP to make its moves. And it will.
The other parties (Joyce Banda's People's Party etc.) are evidently being opportunistic. While they have every right to participate, they ought to do so with some level of perspective. #Malawi is crying out for fresh ideas, new voices and new people who represent popular wishes.
Many people are hailing our institutions for respecting popular will. This, indeed, is commendable and something all Malawians committed to Democracy should be proud of.
The work of holding these institutions accountable has been constant, unrelenting and patriotic. This is key.
The work of holding these institutions accountable has been constant, unrelenting and patriotic. This is key.
That a 'new' #Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) can hold what appears, by all accounts, to be a free, fair & credible in less than 2 weeks bears witness to our capacity as a Nation. The question, therefore, is this: what/who always stands in the way of such efficiency?
Of course, this isn't to undermine the hard work that goes on at the MEC Secretariat. I should know, I have worked with some very committed, credible and patriotic individuals at that institution. Many more in other institutions, departments & entities.
Where is the problem?
Where is the problem?
How come there will be some elements, in the Police service, for example, who act outside of their mandate & expectation? The short answer is: political interference. This is the abscess that hurts us, and it has to burst.
As I've said above, democratic institutions in #Malawi have repeatedly come under threat, and they have responded by showing their resilience. It is resilience borne out of taking a decisive stand with the People. As I've cautioned, we shouldn't take this for granted.
The MCP-led gvt. is unlikely to act any more different than previous gvts. I get the hype and the hope but I'm not sold, personally. The time for expanded vigilance is now. A lot is at stake here, and whatever has been won since 1994, should not be lost in 2020 and beyond.
A few minutes ago, the #Malawi Electoral Commission said it is working hard to release final results in the next 36-48hrs, the process of verifying votes is currently underway.
This is what it takes, this is the hard work of ensuring electoral credibility. Patience required.
This is what it takes, this is the hard work of ensuring electoral credibility. Patience required.
Of course, it helps that there is some degree of transparency and access to information. Quite a key ingredient in building trust & confidence in systems and processes.
Through this, we are also witnessing the further strengthening of our Electoral Commission. A huge win.🙌🏿
Through this, we are also witnessing the further strengthening of our Electoral Commission. A huge win.🙌🏿
As it turns out, change HAS NOT come to #Malawi.
If anything, one hopes all our national Institutions have gone through some positive transformation and have been strengthened. The same can't be said for the Executive, regrettably.
Yet another missed opportunity.
Good luck!
If anything, one hopes all our national Institutions have gone through some positive transformation and have been strengthened. The same can't be said for the Executive, regrettably.
Yet another missed opportunity.
Good luck!
