When economists frame a non-consensus view as obviously correct economics (or even worse "arithmetic"). It devalues the currency of consensus economic views. Take a stand and defend it, just don't claim obvious truth. Eg, @caseybmulligan on fiscal policy. nationalreview.com/2020/10/paul-k…
Casey argues UI and other transfers do not increase total demand because we cannot simply count the additional spending associated with them without also counting "the spending (both consumption and investment) of those who finance the government."
The CARES Act was not paid for w/ current tax increases. @caseybmulligan knows that but appears to be arguing in support of "Ricardian equivalence"--that it will be paid for by future tax increases & rational people anticipating those will cut back on their spending now.
Robert Barro developed this theory, it is perfectly coherent, and follows from a set of assumptions (like people know they will have more taxes in the future so save up now to pay for them and care about future generations etc.) dash.harvard.edu/bitstream/hand…
But you can't pretend it is "pesky arithmetic" or even a consensus economic view. If anything, the broad agreement in economics based on theory/evidence is the opposite. Keynes advanced an alternative model in which spare capacity & inadequate spending form a vicious circle.
For a recent formalization in the context of transfers see this paper by Hyunseung Oh & @R2Rsquared. The thinking in this paper benefits from Barro's challenge and is precise about where it makes different assumptions that lead to different conclusions. sciencedirect.com/science/articl…
Moreover, assuming nonzero and often large multipliers for transfers is standard in economics textbooks, CBO, the Fed and others, all of whom have large multipliers on transfers in their models. cbo.gov/sites/default/…
Finally, the IGM Booth survey polled about 80 leading economists from across the political spectrum and they generally agreed with a statement that was even stronger than the fact that multiplier on transfers is greater than zero. igmchicago.org/surveys/stimul…
Again, I have no problem with @caseybmulligan having an alternative view, just him describing his view as deriving from "arithmetic" as opposed to, say, "arithmetic plus the assumption that people will save more today to help their grandchildren afford their higher tax bills".
(As an aside, @caseybmulligan also argues that it will 100% crowd out lending to the United States. This argument is in tension with the Ricardian view which says there is no crowding out. It is also in tension with the assumption @caseybmulligan made in the tax debate.
Moreover, 100% crowd out is not the view that is taught in economics textbooks. The existence of any crowd out when interest rates are at the zero lower bound is implausible. In fact, crowd in may be more plausible.) See journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/65…
I care about the above in part because I care about the substance of this issue--I have a more mainstream view that transfers are good both to protect people in hard times and also to increase aggregate economic activity. That is a vital debate right now.
I also care because there are issues that all economists agree on, including ones that are "arithmetic" (e.g., you can't simultaneously increase net capital flows into the United States and reduce trade deficits). I want people to believe us when we make those arguments.

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More from @jasonfurman

26 Oct
On Thursday the government will release its estimate of GDP growth in the third quarter. The number is expected to be something like 35%. Three bits of arithmetic context followed by some advance interpretation.
1. The reported growth of -31.4% for Q2 was less bad than the headline because it was an annualized number--which is what would happen if the economy contracts the same way 4 quarters in a row. The economy really shrunk by 9.0%.
Similarly if the headline growth rate on Thursday is 35% then it will mean the economy grew at 7.8% for the quarter. That is also very, very high--just the better way to think about it.
Read 9 tweets
7 Oct
To describe anything as "Trump's Economic Dream Comes True" even pre-pandemic is rewriting an awful lot of the history of confident statements about 3% growth--with John Taylor being the most prominent economist making those predictions.

wsj.com/articles/trump…
Gary Cohn, as NEC Director, predicted 4% growth with total confidence. washingtonexaminer.com/trump-adviser-…
Randall Stephenson (then Chair of the BRT and ATT CEO), said he saw no way the tax cut passes and we don't get 3% growth--again total confidence. (Quick search failed to find the quote, if anyone has it please share.)
Read 7 tweets
6 Oct
How should we think about the ideal size of fiscal stimulus right now? A thread with two approaches: (1) top down (based on filling the macro hole) and (2) bottom up (based on protecting people).
Three distinct issues:

(1) When do we need money? Simple: two months ago.

(2) How long do we need money? As long as it takes, could be years, ideally would have triggers to continue after Congress is fatigued.

(3) How much per month? Rest of thread is on this question.
A top down approach would ask what the output gap is and what the multiplier is. CBO's July forecast put the output gap at 6% in Q4, at a time when they expected the UR to be 10.5% this quarter. So presumably they would say something smaller, maybe 4%. cbo.gov/system/files/2…
Read 17 tweets
6 Oct
In my oped in @WSJopinion arguing for the Biden tax plan--and the investments it pays for--I cited seven studies about its impact on the economy. One tweet for each study--plus a bonus tweet in this thread.
The @BudgetModel finds the tax+immigration plan would increase the GDP level by 1.5% in 2050 (rounds to 0.1pp higher annual growth rate).

They do not estimate taxes only but based on other work the effect on growth is close to zero and wages is positive. budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2020/9/…
@AEI co-authored by @kpomerleau found ~0 effect: "Biden’s proposals would reduce GDP by 0.06 percent over the next decade, slightly increase GDP the second decade (0.07 percent), and result in a small reduction in GDP in the long run (0.2 percent)." aei.org/research-produ…
Read 13 tweets
6 Oct
My latest @wsjopinion explains why the Biden tax plan—and the economic program it funds—would help ensure we have more shared growth. wsj.com/articles/biden…
I know of four estimates of the full Biden fiscal (or fiscal + economic plan), all four show it would be positive for growth: Goldman Sachs (gated), @BudgetModel , Oxford Economic, and Moodys.
budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2020/9/…
f.hubspotusercontent10.net/hubfs/2240363/… moodysanalytics.com/-/media/articl…
In addition two other estimates have been done of his tax plans alone. @AEI finds it has close to zero effect and the @TaxFoundation finds it would lower growth rates by an imperceptible amount over the next 30 years (not even enough to round to 0.1 percentage point).
Read 4 tweets
2 Oct
We have an economy with a positive first derivative and negative second derivative—everything is continuing to improve but it improving at a slower pace than before.
Normally 661,000 jobs would be something to celebrate. But when you’re 11 million jobs short of where you were in February the slowing pace of recovery is a worry.
Three reasons for it:

1. Easy recovery already happened. Has been people being called back from temporary layoff, permanent unemployment rising.

2. CARES Act expired.

3. Virus resurgence.
Read 5 tweets

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