This reminds me of what an archaeologist told me about how to understand prehispanic polities or chiefdoms. We have to understand it not in a strictly territorial sense but from the perspective of toll. Yes, toll. The chiefs held sway over groups of people and claimed exclusive..
authority to exact toll from commerce/trade/travel through their area of authority, perhaps their portion of a river or a land area with high traffic. In dealing with Westerners different attitudes collided: chiefs “ceding” land actually ceded tolls and influence, but not...
clearly demarcated titles to land in the Western sense, which is why chiefs could do it not only seemingly so easily, but repeatedly. This was beyond the comprehension of Westerners (to be precise: not in their interest to recognize this of course).
Since no coordinates for land a chief might grandly sweep hands at horizon and say from this tree to that tree is yours: meaning whatever goes through it you can exact toll from; but this is different from Western property concept (colliding for example with rights of villagers).
Which helps us see how attitudes to power/office have remained unchanged however dressed up in Western clothing: how toll extraction is like Rent-seeking as Western scholars have come to define it; but how Western norms of law and institutions crumple in face of trad. behavior.
With that in mind mapping things out as far as who was where and when (and Lapulapu/Humabon disagreements) make sense: fighting over toll (and “tong”), chiefs situating settlements at natural choke points for toll extraction over trade/travel.
This is missing link in understanding 20th century political evolution. American proconsuls who came from/maintained ole style patronage control at home flourished in Ph: consider Tafts and century of their prominence in Ohio politics up to 2000s. PH local leaders like Chinese..
response to periodic waves of invasion: they endured as overlords went native. In many ways American scholars retain last vestige of imperialist propaganda in somehow thinking American proconsuls were “honest” in contrast to natives.
Anyway if you return to Mojares’ observations on Humabon/Lapulapu dynamics and how Magellan blundered into it like a psychopath, it shows why Magellan failed but someone like Legazpi would succeed in the manner Filipino presidents succeed or fail when grappling with local chiefs.
It also explains that in collisions with modernity, the traditional practitioners of power/leadership often succeed (Aguinaldo v Bonifacio who represented modernity esp. after we see through Jim Richardson who debunked Ileto); you could have hybrids of trad & modern, the...
Commonwealth leaned to modernity with a nod to traditionalism but the New Society was the opposite: the traditional nodding to modernity; today’s era is the periphery finally supplanting the metropolis.
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Why the story of The Two Speakers has October 5, the public release of the SWS Survey results, as the dividing line between Cayetano Triumphant and Velasco Ascendant. A thread. Before and up to October 5, Cayetano had torn up term-sharing, and left the Pres. w/ a done deal.
The cliques of the Ruling Coalition had gone to the Palace on September 29. By all accounts, the President signaled the agreement should be upheld.
Using a tried-and-tested parliamentary maneuver, what Cayetano did was call for a vote of confidence by offering to resign --a vote of confidence he won on September 30.
A thread for the law literalists. True as it goes except in legislatures the world over, tradition and past precedents are very powerful; but like all tradition, only as powerful as the shared belief of legislators in the power of those traditions.
This is why I've come to believe that term limits are more useful in executive positions but actually harmful to sober and effective legislation when applied to the legislature: good parliamentary procedure and mature lawmaking requires time and seasoning that term limits end...
up subverting. So you have what we have increasingly had, ever-more-reckless leadership fights, among other things. Even more than executive positions where leadership changes signal changing priorities due to new mandates, legislation requires institutional memory and a sense...
So today it seems battle's joined with two separate sessions claiming to be the authentic House special session. Here's some context: look at ratios of deputy speakers, and blocs each group possesses, to assess their relative strengths. NPC's pro-Velasco; Lakas suddenly neutral?
Cayetano's coalition was NP (40 votes), NUP (43 votes), Lakas (19 votes), Iglesia; Velasco's, PDP-Laban (61 v.) and HNP (aka Hugpong 3 v.), with NPC (32 v.) announcing it would back him in this current battle, and Lakas saying it would attend to budget first before speakership.
In public statements Lakas (via Martin Romualdez) was most subtle: saying they would focus on passing the budget thus being publicly loyal to the letter; while not pledging to support any other candidate which suggests maintaining status quo (Cayetano).
Why you have to be aware that picking September 21 as the martial law anniversary is a tribute to Marcos who engineered it so people alive then actually forgot there was no martial law on September 21, 1972: a thread.
Marcos himself zigged and zagged about when he proclaimed martial law, but he turned September 21 into Thanksgiving Day enshrining a date that mattered only because of backdating. officialgazette.gov.ph/featured/decla…
Marcos began planning martial law when he became only the second president elected to a second term, in 1969, seeing he would have to step down from office in 1973. He also pursued other schemes ranging from shifting to parliamentary government or running Imelda to succeed him.
Sunday thoughts: some years back, when the previous president dared say that Filipinos working abroad were economic refugees and it was incumbent on government to work harder so Filipinos (not Filipinx) could actually choose whether to work at home or abroad, he was crucified...
But I felt then and feel now, he was absolutely right because what had been going on since Marcos years was Filipinos working abroad actually allowed governments to govern with impunity because whatever they did, an umbilical cord to remittances kept the economy afloat regardless
of how things were (mis)managed at home. But people preferred the ritual pandering to "heroes" which actually trivialized what heroism is. So we got what we got in 2016: only for Filipinos abroad who lost their jobs because of the #COVID19 pandemic, and who had to come home...
Why the pressure now is coming from administration allies for the Lopezes to sell: it's not enough for government to "take back" the frequencies: for the government to truly benefit, it needs to force the Lopezes to sell the network --its properties, facilities, equipment-- or...
else, it will take too much money for someone else to start from scratch, especially if the political weather can change within two years, but without selling the entire network and what it owns, it can't be done. Here, what the Marcoses did in 1973-75 is instructive. All you...
have to do is look back. Having closed down Congress itself, Marcos shut down ABS-CBN, the Chronicle Newspaper, etc. Then pressure was applied precisely to do what is being done now: not just stop operations, but force the transfer of assets and equipment to rival broadcasters...