The long term impact of school closures, not the temporary income drop of their parents, accounts for 90% of children’s overall welfare loss. The effect is concentrated on low-income families and closures also result in a substantial fall of government revenues in the long run.
Now, you can quibble about the model, but it should be clear that, if you only look at their immediate effects (which is what most pro-lockdown people do), you’re going to vastly underestimate the long term impact of lockdowns.
Everyone is making this dumb argument that, because a vaccine is coming, lockdowns are obviously the way to go. But this changes *nothing* unless you thought that the cost of keeping the epidemic contained for another 3-6 months but not for 1-2 years passed a cost-benefit test.
Thanks to spontaneous behavioral changes, R is currently low enough that, even according to the unrealistic model that pro-lockdown people are using, incidence will start falling before it reaches the absurdly high levels people freak out about.
So you will likely have more deaths, but you will also avoid many of the negative consequences of lockdowns. My view is that people both overestimate how many lives lockdowns save and underestimate their negative consequences.
In any case, if you think the choice is *obvious* now that we have very good reasons to think a vaccine will arrive in a few months, the only thing that is obvious is that you haven’t thought this through.
Yes, that’s a good point, this debate about lockdowns is largely pointless anyway because there is no way we’re going to do the same thing as in the Spring. This cuts both way though, since it also means the cost of whatever lockdown we could realistically do won’t be as large.
What this means, in my opinion, is that the difference in outcomes between countries that go down the lockdown path and the others won’t be as large as people on either side assume, but it doesn’t mean there won’t be one and that it’s easy to figure it out.
For instance, France has closed most small businesses, which is very doubtful has more than a very small effect on transmission, but it’s going to ruin this part of the economy. I think it’s complete madness.
It’s probably better to move the debate to this kind of specific policies, where it’s actually meaningful. I think closing small businesses and schools is stupid. I’m also against closing bars and restaurants, but at least I think here it’s not obvious.
To be clear, nobody is denying that a longer lockdown is costlier than a shorter one, but this is beside the point *if* you think that the cost of shorter one is still not worth the benefit it will bring about. I don’t even understand why such an obvious point is controversial.
And please don’t tell me that everybody understands that. If everybody did, my timeline wouldn’t have been full of people cricizing anti-lockdown advocates for not admitting the vaccine news had proven them wrong, when in fact it changes nothing for the vast majority of them.
Similarly, if the target is not sophisticated opponents of lockdowns but people who believe they literally make no difference on health outcomes, then it doesn’t make sense, because it’s perfectly rational for people who believe that not to be moved by the vaccine news 🤷‍♂️
This is fair. The vaccine news does make a view that was once not implausible, i. e. everyone will eventually be infected everywhere, pretty implausible, but it doesn’t fundamentally change the debate for the reasons I give above.

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More from @phl43

7 Nov
Je suis le premier à dire que le gouvernement est totalement incompétent et gère très mal cette crise, mais je suis tout à fait d'accord avec ce thread, il y a un gros biais rétrospectif à l'oeuvre dans les commentaires sur la reprise de l'épidémie.
Je me souviens très bien avoir remarqué ce qui à l'époque ressemblait à un tassement dans les données sur les hospitalisations fin septembre et m'être dit que ça allait peut-être se calmer.
D'ailleurs, je parle des données sur les hospitalisations parce qu'elles sont a priori plus fiables que celles sur les cas, mais on voyait la même chose dans les données sur les cas.
Read 12 tweets
5 Nov
This spreadsheet is based on the best estimate of the number of uncounted ballots, not PA's dashboard about absentee and mail-in ballots, which is not updated correctly. If Biden's margin among mail-in ballots remain the same, he should win the state by ~80,000 votes.
This is much closer than what people in the media, who are using PA's dashboard about absentee and mail-in ballots, have been assuming, but it still looks as though Biden should win the state.
To be clear, this projection assumes that, in each county, Biden has the same margin in the remaining mail-in ballots than he's had in the mail-in ballots that have been counted in that county so far, so it does take into account where the outstanding ballots are from.
Read 4 tweets
5 Nov
The dashboard everyone is using to get the number of outstanding ballots in PA says 763,311 mail ballots remain to be counted, but when you look at the results, it seems that in fact many of those have already been counted. So Trump's lead might be more secure than it seems.
There might still be a path for absolute chaos 😁 Image
I'm trying to check if, as I strongly suspect, the same thing is true in Butler County, but apparently they're having a little technical difficulty... I'm pretty sure there are significantly less than 763,311 outstanding ballots in PA though. Image
Read 12 tweets
4 Nov
This should be normalized to account for demographic change in the country though. My guess is that, while Trump did overperform among minorities, the current narrative exaggerates the phenomenon and how much it mattered. The real action was likely among whites, same as in 2016.
What I mean is that "non-white" is a heterogeneous category and, in particular, it’s increasingly dominated by hispanics, among whom Republicans have always done better than among blacks.
I guess "normalize" isn't quite the right word, "adjusted to account for the change in the composition of non-whites" would have been better, but it didn't fit. In any case, while I do not doubt that Trump improved among hispanics, I doubt he did as well as Bush in 2004.
Read 6 tweets
3 Nov
For what it's worth, if the results of the latest NYT/Siena poll were accurate, here is what this would mean. The margin is slowly going down, but *if the polls are accurate*, he won't be able to catch up. So it really hinges on whether the polls are accurate, same as before.
What I'm saying, just to be perfectly clear, is that although many people are reading a lot into this we are pretty much at the same point we were before we knew anything about the partisan affiliation of the electorate, i. e. Trump is not going to win unless the polls are wrong.
Now, those numbers don't say *anything* about whether the polls are wrong, so my point isn't that Trump is going to lose, only that so far nothing we have learned should change your assessment of the probability. We're basically headed toward what 538's polling average shows.
Read 4 tweets
3 Nov
Okay, it's time to put my cards on the table, so here is my prediction. 270towin.com/maps/2grl3
Conditional on Trump winning the electoral college, which as you can see above is not what I expect to happen, here is the map I regard as most likely. 270towin.com/maps/oAn3r
As a bonus, here is another scenario I don't regard as very likely (Trump loses PA but wins AZ and MN), but which I think could happen and surprise everyone especially if the Selzer poll in IA was in fact picking up something real in the Midwest. 270towin.com/maps/Vnd1P
Read 5 tweets

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