The intention of the authors, as indicated in both the intro and conclusion of the articles, seems to be to opposition to the provision of limited nuclear strike options as part of US nuclear strike planning.
Reasonable people can certainly disagree (and they have, often) about whether limited nuclear strike options are a good idea - see the endless debate on Low Yield Trident SLBMs. defense.gov/Newsroom/Trans…
But in this case the authors oppose limited nuclear options by raising, through much conjecture, what are IMO unwarranted fears about US nuclear forces executing unauthorized nuclear strikes.
First the authors raise what, to the lay reader, may seem like unanswerable questions about what could happen given various contingencies in the execution of a limited nuclear strikes.
This makes me wonder: what do the authors think US nuclear forces have been practicing over decades of nuclear exercises, both at the unit and command center level?
Do they really think US nuclear forces don't have regularly-practiced procedures to deal with things like failed missiles, battle damage assessment, or rapid retargeting due to changing circumstances? That they are only prepared for set-piece, ho-hum, un-faulted countdowns? 🤔
To deal with these sorts of uncertainties, the authors surmise that the President might authorize a limited strike, and then a back-up strike, and then the possibility of specifying whether or not "additional authorization" is required for that backup strike.
This hypothetical, on its own, is a misrepresentation or misunderstanding of the nature of sole presidential nuclear authority in US NC3. And it is repeated later in the article.
As has been discussed often (and as an issue of particular focus over the last 4 years), POTUS has sole authority over the execution of nuclear options.
A nuclear launch is either authorized by POTUS or it isn't. If it's authorized, it gets executed. If not, then it isn't.
Thus, the idea that a nuclear launch might be executed via specified instructions "without additional authorization" is non-sensical. If it has been authorized, then...no additional authorization is required. It is authorized.
If not authorized, then it won't happen. Period.
Later, the authors wonder about an SSBN pausing a launch and resuming later, that they might launch additional strikes, again without "additional presidential authorization".
All one can say to this is...well, yes, if an SSBN had to pause a nuclear launch for whatever reason...
...due to approaching ASW forces, a malfunction, etc., they would - per established procedures - attempt to resume operations & accomplish their mission, as any military unit would. And yes, they would do so without additional authorization, as the launch is...well, authorized.
Later, the authors discuss the issuance of what they call a universal unlock code, which would allow ICBM and SSBN crews to launch all of their weapons, and that this code exists with the intent of being able to launch additional weapons if POTUS can't be found, etc.
Again, whether POTUS can be found or not, or whether the situation changes, nuclear employment authority rests strictly with POTUS. Any additional unlock codes do not change that.
A strike is authorized by POTUS...or it isn't. Period.
The authors also raise the specter that releasing universal unlocks would give US nuclear command centers the "ability to transmit orders for additional strikes even if they were not authorized by the president."
This would, of course, at either a command center or at a lower level, be a gross violation of US NC2 procedures, with any officer who even suggested doing so likely being immediately removed from nuclear duties.
The fact that the authors propose this as a possibility - that is, if nuclear command centers were to be able to gain access to unlock codes - makes one wonder: where do they think those unlock codes come from?
They also raise the fear that, following the release of unlock codes, submarines could be out at sea in possession of unlock codes, and could thus engage in unauthorized strikes.
This is an interesting bit of hand-wringing as the authors fail to mention that, for several decades, US submarines routinely operated at sea without any such firebreak, which was only installed after questions raised by the movie Crimson Tide in the 1990s.
What would keep unauthorized nuclear strikes from happening in such situations is the same thing that has kept them from happening for the last 75 years - the fidelity, training, and procedural compliance of our nuclear operators.
One other minor detail: the authors state that, in the event of a nuclear launch from a submarine, that launch keys would be retrieved from a safe by two "senior officers". In reality, such a key would be likely retrieved by two *junior* officers, but this is a niggle.
I recognize that this article was probably the last to be written by the late Bruce Blair, whose dedication to his principles I truly admire.
And I respect the expertise of the article's other authors, @seb6philippe and Dr. Sharon K. Weiner
But I think this article raises unwarranted fears in the solidity of US nuclear C2 in its effort to oppose the idea of limited nuclear strikes - and in particular when it proposes that unauthorized launches might take place due to the misbehavior of US nuclear operators.
Fin.
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The @EveOnline experience: what I observed participating in virtual fleet battles in one of the world's largest massively multiplayer online games - and what it could mean for defense thinkers.
Thread follows:
For some time there's been DoD interest in looking at video games for inspiration & sources of innovation in defense technology. Anyone who's spent much time playing both modern games & using military tech knows that defense firms could sure learn plenty. wired.com/story/will-rop…
Not long after I started playing @EveOnline, a persistent-world massively multiplayer online role-playing game (MMORPG) focused on virtual spacefaring, it occurred to me that this was a platform from which DoD and defense thinkers could learn a lot. eveonline.com
While you're all hanging out at your computers clicking "refresh" for election news: a few thoughts on this recent response to @AaronFriedberg in @ForeignAffairs:
The article itself provided a forum for Dr. Friedberg to respond-to-the-response itself, so I won't belabor the general international relations points made either in the original article or in the response, or in his final rejoinder.
What I would like to address is the specific assessment of the response's authors on the shape of China's growing military capabilities: that they appear to be the "banal reality" of a normal country building normal capabilities merely commensurate with growing economic power.
Approximate location at the time of shooting that video, about 15 NM north of Mt. St. Helens:
Incredible visibility today: you can see here L to R Mt. St. Helens (approx. 30km from my location), Mt. Hood (130km) and Mt. Jefferson (200km). I was at 9500 altitude above sea level.
It has become clear that a number of observers, having not read the quote which I was RTing, may have gotten the impression that this statement constituted my opinion, when in fact it is quite far it - namely, that...
1) Air Force F-35s seem like pretty cool airplanes, but given that most of their bases could be turned into smoking ruins by Chinese missiles, they also seem unlikely to be able to operate at scale at operationally relevant ranges from where they would be needed in a conflict.
2) U.S. SSNs are the apex predators of the sea; we should buy as many as our industrial base and national purse will allow.
Lots of discussion has kicked off about the naval force structure proposed yesterday by @EsperDoD, which will include a significant proportion of unmanned (or minimally-manned) ships in an effort to reduce costs, distribute the naval firepower among more & smaller platforms, etc.
This alternative naval force structure sounds to me like an interesting opportunity for a simulation, to see how something like the proposed construct - specifically the use of small and/or unmanned platforms - might perform against a more traditional naval force.
The tool we can use to see what it might look like is Command: Modern Operations (CMO), a commercially-available air/naval warfare sim. Using its scenario editor, we can set up opposing forces and unleash them on each other to see what happens. matrixgames.com/game/command-m…
There's been wide discussion recently on the size of the Chinese Navy, largely driven by a recent DoD report's statement that the PLA Navy is now the "largest navy in the world" on the basis of its number of ships. washingtonpost.com/opinions/2020/…
If you haven't been paying attention, the PLA Navy is engaged in a naval buildup the likes of which hasn't been seen in quite some time. In fact, the last time any nation build this many warships, and this fast, was during the legendary US "600-ship Navy" buildup of the 1980s.
China's recent buildup is, indeed, comparable in terms of the numbers of ships. As an example, during the years 1982-1986, the USN procured 86 warships, resulting in the the USN's fleet count peaking at the end of that decade. news.usni.org/2020/05/06/rep…