Keep getting calls from journalists and others about the draft Australian News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code so some points to add to the thread I posted last year. I'm glad there is political focus on future of news, but sceptical of draft code as is 1/23
Can policy help sustain independent news media? We know for a fact it can. Is it justified? That’s a political question. I personally believe it is in many cases. Journalism and news, with its many imperfections, is a public good and important for our democracy and societies 2/23
If one recognize that fact, and embrace the idea of policy intervention, are there then options we have reason to believe work? Nothing is perfect, and all this is political, but I think there on balance are, have written about them for years e.g here reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/what-can-be-do… 3/23
I would point in particular to public funding of independent public service media (as e.g BBC in UK) and direct subsidies for independent news media (as in e.g Denmark) as examples. Also potential in e.g non-profit as supplement plus public support for new ideas like #IFPIM 4/23
Normally such arrangements are funded either through general taxation or a specific licence fee/media tax where public funding supports a public good. (Would personally welcome digital services tax as part of this wider financial basis, e.g UK expects £500m/y from big tech.) 5/23
Ideally such policies require politicians to describe what they want & design policies accordingly(e.g public service for everyone,direct support tailored to support smaller/local publishers more than large) & funding not reliant on channelling it from few specific companies 6/23
(For example-imagine BBC was funded by money taken from pay TV or Danish subsidies for independent news media funded by levy on telcos. What would happen if pay TV was disrupted or telcos broken up? Presumably we'd still need public interest news but funding would decline?) 7/23
I wonder how Australian draft proposal is meant to work in these respects. If it works, seems like it will mostly benefit big incumbents (e.g News Corp & Nine), and at least initially funding is tied to FB and Google who are well entrenched but subject to anti-trust scrutiny 8/23
Compared to public service and direct subsidies, risk seems to be a)regulation reinforcing winner-takes-most dynamics & b)incentivizing publishers to rely more on platforms at time there is growing criticism of reliance on platforms? Both BBC & Danish models work differently 9/23
BBC has its remit, and neither its role nor its funding for fulfilling it is reliant on working w/Google and/or Facebook. Independent news media in Denmark, esp small/local, receive direct public support irrespective of whether and how much they feature on search and social 10/23
Then there is Q of wider impact of Australian proposal. Interesting that Microsoft say they support the draft, raising the prospect of one trillion-dollar market cap US tech company with a history of drawing anti-trust scrutiny taking the place of another. But beyond GAFAM? 11/23
(As I've said, in a way I hope Google pulls out. It would be a great natural experiment, we'd learn a lot - including what Microsoft would end up paying publishers. Close to $1b News Corp suggested, or perhaps closer to $10m figure Google floated?
Now, ignore the self-interested special pleading & posturing of those most directly affected and consider some other angles and wider implications (as one should with public policy). Picking just a few, look at (a) news, (b) tech, (c) business more broadly, and (d) the web. 13/23
First (a) news. Big publishers support draft code. Smaller publishers and new entrants-that's much less clear. Last year a group of digital publishers warned code "disadvantage the rich variety of new media voices". Policy creates winners and losers mumbrella.com.au/digital-publis… 14/23
Second (b) tech. Beyond GAFAM, see e.g Twitter warning "Code would potentially incentivise the curation of exclusive content on these designated platforms creating unfair competition and harming smaller platforms through reduced traffic and content" smh.com.au/politics/feder… 15/23
Third (c) business more broadly. Do they want this? Industry associations (Business Council of Australia) accc.gov.au/system/files/B… and employers' organizations (Australian Industry Group) accc.gov.au/system/files/A…
have expressed reservations about "unprecedented intervention" 16/23
Fourth (d) the web as we know it-GAFAM critic Tim Berners-Lee says draft “could make the web unworkable around the world” by “breaching a fundamental principle [by] requiring payment for linking between certain content online”. Big collateral damage? theguardian.com/media/2021/jan… 17/23
I don't know what will happen in Australia. It is as much politics as policy, and no politician want to look like they are bowing to pressure from foreign private companies (whether they will bow to their fourth biggest trading partner is separate Q) theguardian.com/media/2021/jan… 18/23
But I know publishers globally are following the Australian situation with interest, and readying their own proposals, and some policy makers are interested too. Here e.g. Canadian minister saying “we stand in solidarity with our Australian partners” theglobeandmail.com/politics/artic… 19/23
Perhaps they will consider whether there are other policy options that serve most publishers’ interest & broader public interest + do not risk legislating to reinforce winner-takes-most dynamics, increase publishers’ reliance on few big platforms, and do collateral damage? 20/23
No easy options: however well-intentioned, policy interventions require balancing editorial independence, efficiency, & accountability for public support, avoid excessive market distortion, and guard against media capture, moral hazard, rent seeking doi.org/10.1080/216708… 21/23
But we know there are options, personally think digital services taxes (even better, OECD tax reform) would be welcome contribution to how general taxation can fund them, & that-wherever we land w/news-clearly there are wider issues around data, competition, etc to look at. 22/23
Finally: debate coincide w/growing public criticism of established news media. 🇦🇺 code will primarily benefit what one former PM calls a "cancer on our democracy". Personally support (some) public policy to sustain news. Does the public? I'm not sure ft.com/content/e4bc75… 23/23
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On Trump & platforms: A decision can be welcome and still illustrate problematic situation
3 Qs. 1) Consistent enforcement? Companies are often wildly inconsistent in when, where, who they enforce against. Decisions+timing come off as at best arbitrary at worst opportunistic 1/N
E.g. Why now, and not before (outgoing and not sitting president)? Why in the US and not elsewhere (India, Philippines)? Why jihadists but not white domestic terrorists (I have a guess)? Why do they almost all do it at the same time (that’s PR, not rules)?
2) Protection of fundamental rights? In absence of real oversight, the companies are making these decisions unilaterally. Often they do too little. Sometimes they do too much. There is no meaningful due process, and no way to ensure companies practice e.g. Santa Clara Principles.
The @EU_Commission published its proposed European Democracy Action Plan yesterday.
One observation: disinformation parts are very focused on foreign interference and largely avoids recognizing domestic actors, in particular fact that misinformation often comes from the top 1/4
Foreign interference is one important form of disinformation. But it is not the most widespread or necessarily most consequential.
HLG report stressed domestic actors, including politicians, in several places ec.europa.eu/digital-single…
It is clear few will touch this problem
2/4
We can dance arounds this all we will, but problem remain real, in EU too. Some things are clearly false, harmful, and malign. But often, what one person sees as destructive lies, others will see as political speech. Powerful actors like to avoid recognizing this complication 3/4
So, yesterday the @EU_Commission published its action plan with proposals to "Support Recovery and Transformation" in European media, including news.
Sprawling plan for sprawling industry estimated at €193b/year, of which news publishers only a small part.
A few highlights 1/9
One ambition is to foster investment by creating "MEDIA INVEST", with a target "to leverage investments of €400 million over a 7-year period" in hope of "making a significant contribution to addressing the gap in equity financing" (to help transform a €193b/year industry)
2/9
Also, more money for "Creative Europe programme" to €2.2b in 2021-2027 budget (so €300m/year), and "pending finalisation of negotiations, the programme will include for the first time actions focused on media freedom and pluralism, journalism, and media literacy." Exciting! 3/9
First lesson - our UK data suggests most people are informed, cautious, and willing to take further measures, in part thanks to journalism 2/5
Second lesson - in the UK, information inequality has grown throughout the crisis, around e.g. age, gender, class, as initial surge in news use dissipated. We don't have data on ethnicity but would expect similar pattern. 3/5
Our @risj_oxford research suggests pandemic is accelerating move to more digital, mobile, and platform-dominated environment where news capture only a small share of attention+advertising 1/5
Meanwhile, many have flocked to already big platforms during the crisis, making it even more important to look at competition issues - but publishers should remember the purpose of competition policy is to protect competition, not specific competitors reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/our-research/w… 2/5
And new policies will not in themselves change reality that news is small part of media use. comScore data suggests all news combined accounts for about 3% of time spent in France, and 5 biggest publishers account about half that – leaving 500+ with just a tiny sliver each. 3/5