@chrislhayes raised a question about "overheating" from a thread I did. I want to answer him in a thread with general conceptual points & their current application.

Short version: if there is no risk of overheating we are doing too little.

The chance of overheating with this package is not 0% and not 100%.

Overheating is not costless.

The right sized and designed package should balance the costs/probability of costs against the benefits/probability of benefits.
Framed differently we recognize this when we say "it is better to err on the side of too much instead of too little." That sentence acknowledges the possibility of errors in both directions.

(MMT also says the limiting principle for fiscal policy should be inflation.)
The last time we had overheating of this type was in the 1960s. But the December legislation plus this is a 14% of GDP fiscal stimulus, an amount that will be hitting at the same time as (hopefully) a huge positive supply shock from curbing the pandemic. So let's all be humble.
The costs of overheating include:

--If price inflation outweighs wage inflation real wage cuts.

--More likely real wages up but people are affected by inflation and perceive it has hurting them.
--The Fed causing a recession to get inflation down (something they have always done and could be worse with a flat Phillips curve).

--The bad scenario that we get seriously rising inflation when the unemployment rate hits, say, 5% raising questions about maximum employment.
(This last has gotten little attention but it worries me. I have little doubt 3.5% unemployment or lower is sustainable. I am less positive about whether we can get to 3.5% unemployment this fall just because it takes time for people to find jobs, new businesses to open.)
The above were all conceptual points. Now lets apply them to this particular package and ask about magnitudes and how to balance risks.
My best guess is that inflation will be too low over the next two years (I define this as less than 2.5%).

Given an up or down vote on the $1.9T package I would enthusiastically vote yes.
But I don't think the risks of overheating or zero or even trivial (and if I did I would be shouting that $1.9T was too little).

For example, what if the multiplier is >0.7 then UR would be ~2% at the end of the year?

Or if lingering supply effects affect return of employment?
As I said, I think the benefits of the $1.9T outweigh the risks by a decent margin. But that doesn't mean we can't improve the reward-risk balance. Could, for example, ask how to preserve much of the benefit while reducing the risk.
Eg, most of the anti-overheating people argue people won't spend most of their checks this year so multiplier is low. That is probably true. But could provide extra insurance by doing $700 this year and $700 next year. (May be politically impossible but I'm doing economics.)
Or to flesh out the example from my thread, the @WendyEdelberg @lsheiner estimates imply Biden plan would return economy to pre-pandemic trend by Q3. That could mean UR of 3.5% by September plus much higher LFPR.
brookings.edu/blog/up-front/…
I think most supporters of the plan believe something like that would happen (and the multipliers in their paper are *much* smaller than many were using just a few months ago to advocate for stimulus).

IF we are to have UR of 3.5% give or take by Sept then won't need $400/wk.
Plus $400/week may interfere with the *massive* labor supply response we need to get to that place. The evidence from 2020 has almost no relevance for this question because it was during a pandemic when jobs were very scarce and most added jobs were recalls.
(Of course, even better would be to have UI on a trigger. I haven't given up on that but not where the energy seems to be.

I should add, if UR still high in September that might be inadequate demand but also might mean slow supply adjustment, later could mean overheating.)
So, again talking purely about the economics on a blank slate, I would rather take the $400/week down starting over the summer to something lower. Even adding that money to something else and keeping the total package the same would help.
In summary, as a general matter people can be very hostile to discussions of tradeoffs and risks (not Chris, others). I understand and sympathize with some of that hostility because many worthwhile ideas are killed in the name of tradeoff/risk management. But, ...
Most policies do actually have tradeoffs and risks. If we shut down all conversation about them we will end up with worse policies, including less effort to minimize downside risks.

Creating an ecosystem that shuts down debates/dicusses these risks risks worse outcomes.
Addendum: I wrote about some of these ideas in an earlier thread.

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More from @jasonfurman

12 Feb
I've gotten questions about whether to emphasize U-6 as the "true unemployment rate". It is currently 11.1%.

I don't because I think the concept doesn't add much, it misses how unusually bad the labor market is now, is analytically flawed, and can be misleading.

Thread:
The official unemployment rate is 6.3%. It is unemployed (people looking for work) divided by the labor force (working or looking for work).

U-6 is 11.1%, it adds in "marginally attached" (discouraged workers & would take a job if it came along) and involuntary part-time.
DOESN'T ADD MUCH. U-6 is one of several alternative unemployment concepts produced monthly by the BLS. They are all useful to look at. But they also all pretty much up and down together so they rarely tell much of a different story. Image
Read 9 tweets
11 Feb
The new @USCBO report confirms that we have substantial fiscal space, in fact more than we've generally had in the past. This is even true if the American Rescue Plan passes in full.

Critical to this is low interest rates mean low debt service.
CBO projects higher debt/GDP than it did pre-pandemic. But even this projection is not "spiraling" within the budget window but a relatively gradual increase.

More importantly, debt/GDP is a bad metric to look at as I've explained before.
CBO has lowered its interest rate forecast more than it raised its debt forecast. So real debt service as a share of GDP is lower than what we expected pre-crisis. This is even true with the American Rescue Plan (and assuming it raises interest rates).
Read 5 tweets
11 Feb
I thought I would engage with this criticism of my suggestion that the UI/week bump be phased down to $100 or $200/week by late summer/early fall even if I don't love the way this person phrased their disagreement.
First, this is not a "cut":

--The UI bump is currently slated to be $0 then for late summer/early fall.

--The House Dem proposal calls for reducing the bump to $0 in September.

--IF we had adopted triggers the bump would likely have been well below this by then.
Second, my argument was about supply not demand. To have this much demand and not have overheating we need millions of people getting back into jobs. I believe that can happen. But I also want to give it every chance possible and this policy would be consistent with it.
Read 5 tweets
11 Feb
Excellent thread.

Stunning magnitudes: spending by unemployed increased about 25% relative to the consumption of the employed.

If we had a stable program (not the on-off-on one we had) what would we have wanted to target for that?

And how much does 2020 generalize to 2021?
You should never update your beliefs too much based on any one paper. And evidence from 1950-2019 might be more relevant in thinking about July/Aug/Sep 2021 than evidence from 2020 (points @Claudia_Sahm has made in a different context).

If I was updating would say:
Given the excess saving, the larger bank balances that @ProfFionasm and team have documented elsewhere, the $2,000 checks, the unemployed would have pre-pandemic consumption levels even with less than $400/week. jpmorganchase.com/institute/rese…
Read 6 tweets
10 Feb
Jay Powell cited an unemployment rate of 10% adjusted for participation. Willie Powell & I have been using 8.3% as the "realistic unemployment rate". Both are correct, both are useful, I won't be offended if you use his instead of mind, but a technical note on the differences.
The labor force participation rate has fallen from 63.3% in February 2020 to 61.4% in January 2021 as 4.3m people gave up looking for work. Powell's stat is that all 4.3m had not given up but were instead classified as unemployed then the unemployment rate would be 10% now.
The participation rate always falls in recessions so the Powell stat is a great way to capture just how terrible the current labor market is.

The downside of the Powell stat is that you cannot (or at least should not) compare it to historical unemployment rates.
Read 8 tweets
7 Feb
This isn’t a debate that can be settled by theory.

The theory (as well as evidence and financial market data) are clear: larger fiscal measure = more inflation.
The questions are magnitudes and balancing risks:

1. How much benefit from relief/stimulus?

2. How much inflation?

3. Is extra inflation desirable/undesirable?

4. If undershoot on output or overshoot on inflation how costly to correct later?
Having a “stimulus” theory or “relief” theory doesn’t tell us $1T, $2T, or $5T.
Read 9 tweets

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