Previously, I did a thread on a double standard around work, the Child Tax Credit, & the tax treatment of the inheritances of wealthy heirs
With House passage (!) & shift to the Senate, I wanted to focus on a double standard stemming from the Child Tax Credit’s creation in 1997
In 1997, the original child tax credit was intentionally designed to encourage – some – parents to work less: “some cultural conservatives promote the credit as a way to entice more mothers to stay at home with their children.” wapo.st/3aZz0N1
More: "Because of the tax burden on families, the woman is often compelled to go out and bring in a second paycheck," said Paul Hetrick, vice president of Focus on the Family. "This is a regrettable situation that our country will pay the price for in generations to come."
This social conservative concern about the next generation & and creating an incentive for Moms to work less did not extend to low-income families: "That's welfare," responded Christensen. "If you aren't paying income taxes, it's insane for us to be giving you an income tax cut."
Before fast-forwarding to the current debate, I want to trace some of the evolution of the Child Tax Credit since its 1997 creation. Note that the original credit was tied to income tax liability. A tiny near forgotten provision included a tie to payroll taxes
This tax connection was a dead end for people – including myself as a staffer back then - who wanted to extend the child tax credit to more families with lower incomes and this is when the connection of the Child Tax Credit to work enters.
In 2001, a bipartisan group of Senators led by Olympia Snowe leveraged their votes in the Senate to force inclusion of making the Child Tax Credit partially refundable, starting at incomes above $10,000 and phased in at 15 cents on the dollar
Then in 2008, Speaker Pelosi, a long-time champion of the credit, used her leverage with President Bush to reduce this indexed earnings threshold, which had risen with inflation, to below $9,000.
Then President Obama and Congressional Democrats lowered the earnings threshold to $3,000 temporarily and it was eventually made permanent with Republicans extracting tax cuts for wealthy heirs and corporations in return along the way
Most recently in2017, and somewhat sadly ironic given their current posture, Senators Rubio and Lee convinced their GOP colleagues to lower the threshold to $2,500 and to mitigate the damage of the pernicious refundability cap the House GOP advanced
Stepping back for a moment, whether to advance incremental change or to pursue game-changing, more pure, policy change is a constant and important back-and-forth to have. People play different roles.
In the case of the Child Tax Credit, I think these incremental changes over decades made millions of kids better off. But I understand some of the criticism, and even vitriol, directed at people like me for this approach.
As traced above, the Child Tax Credit evolved over time from a tax nexus to a work one with the double standard of who should be encouraged to work more and who to work less remaining intact throughout. Now is the time to end this double standard, permanently.
My colleagues @TrisiDanilo and Ife Floyd of @TeamTANF_CBPP have an excellent and timely paper coming out on Monday on the employment effects of the Child Tax Credit expansion. In the closing tweets of this thread, I re-up some of the other best pieces I’ve seen on this issue
With the temporary provision moving, there is growing excitement to make the Child Tax Credit expansion permanent. Along with this push, a healthy debate has begun on design elements
Here I want to address one small part of this design discussion which relates to EITC take-up
One key question – of which much more deep digging is needed – is on what roles the IRS and SSA should play in administering a permanently expanded child tax credit/child allowance.
As part of this IRS/SSA discussion, I’ve seen the following thought train a few times: the EITC take-up rate is low, therefore, the SSA should administer the expanded Child Tax Credit. This strikes me as incomplete at best.
I sense a few double standards present in the debate over Bidens’ historic Child Tax Credit proposal that would cut the child poverty rate by more than 40%.
My focus here is on a perhaps less obvious one but I think relevant: trust fund kids & the tax treatment of inheritances
Since the mid-1990s, as I’ll walk through, reducing the taxation of large inheritances has been a top, if not the top, tax policy priority of conservatives and Republicans.
In parallel, as I’ll also walk through, there has been a steady stream of research concluding that large inheritances reduce the work effort of wealthy heirs
Worried about the child tax credit debate & wishing men read more novels, I urged people to see it through the eyes of a single mom, with a toddler & a 7 yr-old, who works as a cashier
Here is this morning must-read from @crampell, including “if getting an extra $250 per month allows a single mom greater choice about whether to work the night shift or spend more time with her second-grader, that’s not obviously a bad thing” wapo.st/3p4Dd5R
And she adds: “the poor should not be responsible for bankrolling programs for the poor. Other groups are better able to absorb the costs — particularly the wealthy.”
This is a thread on the Romney Child Tax Credit plan. My hope is that somehow it will find its way to liberal commentators who feel an almost giddy impulse to tell their many followers that the Romney proposal is better or just as good or close enough to the Biden proposal
First, picture two people, one woman and one man, both of an age of possibly have young children. Now picture a recent visit to the grocery store, or a recent delivery, or an elderly relative being helped to shower or have lunch
Now suppose the woman your picturing makes about $15,000 a year at one of those jobs – e.g. a cashier or a home health aide -- and she’s a single mom with a toddler son and a daughter who is in second grade
With the Senate GOP expected to unveil its opening proposal next week, it seems important to recall when they initially staked out their position of a scaled-back fiscal response and how much has changed since then:
Thread
In late May, Senator McConnell said that “You could anticipate the decision being made on whether to go forward in about a month. And it will be narrowly crafted, designed to help us where we are a month from now, not where we were three months ago.” cnb.cx/2OFmLcx
The GOP was advocating a two-step approach: aggressive re-openings which would allow for a fiscal retreat. As the President Trump in early June said, “We’re opening and we’re opening with a bang.”
The CARES Act largely worked. As the chart below highlights, policies such as the robust unemployment insurance helped offset the job-loss driven income reduction – a major policy success – providing a lifeline to millions of families across the country:
As the miles-long lines of people idling in cars in wait of food attest, however, the policy response to date has shortcomings and this hardship needs to be addressed when the Congress acts: