With the temporary provision moving, there is growing excitement to make the Child Tax Credit expansion permanent. Along with this push, a healthy debate has begun on design elements
Here I want to address one small part of this design discussion which relates to EITC take-up
One key question – of which much more deep digging is needed – is on what roles the IRS and SSA should play in administering a permanently expanded child tax credit/child allowance.
As part of this IRS/SSA discussion, I’ve seen the following thought train a few times: the EITC take-up rate is low, therefore, the SSA should administer the expanded Child Tax Credit. This strikes me as incomplete at best.
The overall EITC take-up rate is 78% but embedded in this figure is a take-up rate of just 65% rate for childless adults, many of whom receive a tiny EITC and, regardless, are not relevant here.
The take-up rate for the EITC for families with children is higher than 78%, ranging from 82 to 86%.
There indeed is a gap between 86% and 100% and much has been done and needs to be done to narrow that gap. And, I think the goal for take-up of an expanded Child Tax Credit should be 100%.
But keep in mind there are people – picture someone has worked intermittently off the books for years – who know they could get an EITC but don’t file for it for various reasons
I think one also should ask, compared to what? While the take-up rate for the EITC for families with children ranges from 82-86%, the take-up rate, for example, for SSI is 58%. See pgs 53-54 for others bit.ly/3sxewAV
I think the discussion on what roles the IRS and SSA should play is an important one. Both have advantages and I could see both playing a significant role and more digging is needed. My small point here is that I don’t think the EITC take-up rate tilts that balance
To learn more about the SSA as this unfolds, follow @kathleenromig, she is an expert and a good human
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Previously, I did a thread on a double standard around work, the Child Tax Credit, & the tax treatment of the inheritances of wealthy heirs
With House passage (!) & shift to the Senate, I wanted to focus on a double standard stemming from the Child Tax Credit’s creation in 1997
In 1997, the original child tax credit was intentionally designed to encourage – some – parents to work less: “some cultural conservatives promote the credit as a way to entice more mothers to stay at home with their children.” wapo.st/3aZz0N1
More: "Because of the tax burden on families, the woman is often compelled to go out and bring in a second paycheck," said Paul Hetrick, vice president of Focus on the Family. "This is a regrettable situation that our country will pay the price for in generations to come."
I sense a few double standards present in the debate over Bidens’ historic Child Tax Credit proposal that would cut the child poverty rate by more than 40%.
My focus here is on a perhaps less obvious one but I think relevant: trust fund kids & the tax treatment of inheritances
Since the mid-1990s, as I’ll walk through, reducing the taxation of large inheritances has been a top, if not the top, tax policy priority of conservatives and Republicans.
In parallel, as I’ll also walk through, there has been a steady stream of research concluding that large inheritances reduce the work effort of wealthy heirs
Worried about the child tax credit debate & wishing men read more novels, I urged people to see it through the eyes of a single mom, with a toddler & a 7 yr-old, who works as a cashier
Here is this morning must-read from @crampell, including “if getting an extra $250 per month allows a single mom greater choice about whether to work the night shift or spend more time with her second-grader, that’s not obviously a bad thing” wapo.st/3p4Dd5R
And she adds: “the poor should not be responsible for bankrolling programs for the poor. Other groups are better able to absorb the costs — particularly the wealthy.”
This is a thread on the Romney Child Tax Credit plan. My hope is that somehow it will find its way to liberal commentators who feel an almost giddy impulse to tell their many followers that the Romney proposal is better or just as good or close enough to the Biden proposal
First, picture two people, one woman and one man, both of an age of possibly have young children. Now picture a recent visit to the grocery store, or a recent delivery, or an elderly relative being helped to shower or have lunch
Now suppose the woman your picturing makes about $15,000 a year at one of those jobs – e.g. a cashier or a home health aide -- and she’s a single mom with a toddler son and a daughter who is in second grade
With the Senate GOP expected to unveil its opening proposal next week, it seems important to recall when they initially staked out their position of a scaled-back fiscal response and how much has changed since then:
Thread
In late May, Senator McConnell said that “You could anticipate the decision being made on whether to go forward in about a month. And it will be narrowly crafted, designed to help us where we are a month from now, not where we were three months ago.” cnb.cx/2OFmLcx
The GOP was advocating a two-step approach: aggressive re-openings which would allow for a fiscal retreat. As the President Trump in early June said, “We’re opening and we’re opening with a bang.”
The CARES Act largely worked. As the chart below highlights, policies such as the robust unemployment insurance helped offset the job-loss driven income reduction – a major policy success – providing a lifeline to millions of families across the country:
As the miles-long lines of people idling in cars in wait of food attest, however, the policy response to date has shortcomings and this hardship needs to be addressed when the Congress acts: