Nate Cohn Profile picture
25 Mar, 17 tweets, 4 min read
I don't really agree with @NateSilver538's glass-half full perspective on the 2020 polling miss
fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-d…
I'd boil down the disagreement to one fundamental thing: I think low systemic bias is far, far more important than important for thinking about the polls than average error, while I think @NateSilver538 looks a lot more at average error
You can see both the magnitude of systemic bias in this chart, along with the case that there's a trend toward greater systemic bias. And fwiw, I think the D+5 bias is probably mitigated by some 'nonpartisan' firms that, tbh, aren't so nonpartisan or above the board
Now, should you care more about average error or systemic bias?
I think you should care way more about systemic bias.
Poll averages can be fine with high avg error, so long as bias is low.
But even the lowest avg error on record--4.8 points--would be horrible iff it was all bias
There are fundamental, underlying reasons why the risk of bias is increasing, while error stays low.
The quality of the survey data is decreasing, as response rates decline and polls go online.
Pollsters compensate by weighting, forcing industry-wide bias-variance tradeoffs
What's a bias-variance trade off?
Well, often times you can make a choice between reducing error at the expense of inducing possible bias.
Take party ID. Let's say you get back that's D+10 and Clinton+6. You can weight it to D+5 and Clinton+2 probably reduce error.
But if I always weight to D+5/Clinton+2, and the electorate is D+2/Trump+1, then *on average* my polls are biased by Dems to 3 points
Virtually every non-phone pollster is making choices like this. It does keep their error down and it can also reduce bias. But it also basically makes it inevitable that every election includes some systemic bias, especially since these choices are similar
If we get to the point where the typical systemic error is greater than 3 pts or so, I think that's a big challenge. The whole range of presidential election results in my lifetime is, what, R+2 to D+7? 3 pts, either way, includes most natl outcomes
As a result, I don't think the fairly typical average error in 2020 is really worth looking at tbh. I'm not saying it's irrelevant, but it kind of is!
If there's no systemic error, the polling averages will be great and the big picture story will be sound, even if error is high
The FiveThirtyEight pollster ratings, on the other hand, are almost entirely constructed around pollster average error.
The ratings basically don't care whether you're biased; the assumption is that they can get rid of the bias with House Effects
That's great for the world of 2006, when you could assume the industry-wide sample/choices are more-or-less nonbiased.
Today, you'd rather have a rating based on whether a firm is prone to systemic bias--though it's basically impossible to construct with the available data
Whether a pollster is prone to systemic bias really boils down to two things:
--does the poll make heavy bias-variance trade offs? lvie very rarely; ivr/online all the time
--is the underlying sample unbiased? this was live's case a few years ago; now it's at least in question
FiveThirtyEight is more or less acknowledging that this is happening, indirectly. Whatever qualitative advantage live phone samples still enjoy is no longer making up for their lighter weighting schemes, at least in an electoral context
But this has some long term consequences for the FiveThirtyEight scheme as a whole, since a world where live phones can be systematically biased is one where FiveThirtyEight can't reduce bias by calibrating its House Effects to a particular kind of survey
One last way to think about it and then I'll shut up.
Polling averages can work for one of two reasons: a) poll samples, industry wide, are more-or-less unbiased after basic weighting; b) pollsters, industry wide, can eliminate bias in ways that cancel out in the aggregate
I think B is a very scary world for poll aggregators. A lot of the underlying samples can be biased the same way. A lot of resulting choices will be similar (try past vote!). And a lot of the choices are calibrated to expectations (aka herding, which risks systemic bias).

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More from @Nate_Cohn

25 Mar
It's an open question whether polling is 'dead.' Maybe it was simply hospitalized in critical condition and no one can be sure whether it will get out
One of the best hope for polling is the theory that the error/bias was mainly just about the coronavirus, for instance. Our Oct. 2019 polls were way better than Oct. 2020! The poll averages in Feb/Mar 2020 were way better too. But I think the evidence is pretty inconclusive
That said, history offers plenty of reason to hope that polling could leave the hospital. So if that's the main @NateSilver538 position here, then he's right that we may not disagree as deeply as I think
Read 4 tweets
9 Mar
Unlike most GOP restrictions on mail voting, this one targets a group of voters who backed Trump in 2020
For what it's worth, Fox News didn't know this either and that's why they prematurely called Arizona for Biden
Read 4 tweets
8 Mar
Would you support or oppose the following electoral system? (described in following tweets; poll in this tweet)
Basics:
--Four days of in-person early voting, including a weekend
--No excuse absentee voting, but application and ID required; ballot must be received by poll close (can drop off at staffed site (precinct)
--Same day and auto reg.
--Voter ID required, described in next tweet
Voter ID requirement met by one of the following: government issued photo-ID with address; two forms identification, both with name at least one with address (say, a utility bill and student ID); a sworn declaration by you and a reg. voter with ID who vouches for you.
Read 4 tweets
28 Feb
No one is particularly interested in a grand bargain on election administration, but the new GOP focus on mail balloting really does open things up, on paper (emphasis on “on paper”)
Why? Well, for starters, and as I've said a few times--to the objection of many twitter replies lol--no excuse absentee mail voting is certainly something Democrats ought to be able to negotiate on from the standpoint of both self-interest and lower-case 'd' democratic values.
Obviously, that basic fact really opens up the room to negotiate (again, on paper).
At the same time, ending absentee mail balloting rationalizes many reforms to improve accessibility that Ds would ordinarily be alone in demanding (like a national election holiday)
Read 7 tweets
22 Feb
This is only one obvious example of a broader tendency in Dem/progressive electoral thinking in recent years, which really wants to reduce elections to be turnout and electoral strategy to grassroots organization
It's a romantic view, since there's no secret of the progressive love of organizing. It's also a convenient view, since it shields activists from questioning their views or whether they represent who they say they do. It's also self-justifying: the solution is more campaign staff
And it was reinforced by the contrast of Democratic midterm losses in 10/14, which were certainly exacerbated by a less favorable turnout.
Democrats lost the plot when they tried to explain 2016 (and now 2020) away in the same way
Read 5 tweets
17 Feb
FWIW, there's a fine anti-mail ballot opinion /thinkpiece piece to be written from the left/Dem standpoint, and it could easily be an element of a hypothetical but not-going-to-happen bipartisan bill intended to improve the electoral system
There's no serious reason to think Democrats benefit from mail absentee voting and it does have some downsides for the electoral system. Dems could even trade it for something they should care about, if a bipartisan electoral bill was possible (doubt it)
There are many disadvantages: ballots cast before all info available, days before a result, unsecured ballots in transit, depends on often late third party delivery, mediocre verification leads to *both* unneeded rejections and credibility issues
Read 8 tweets

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