⚖️🇵🇱🇪🇺European Commission, CJEU, Poland and rule of law: not an April's Fools thread. Some questions regarding yesterday's rule of law day answered: (1/13)
1. What is the "muzzle law"?
It's a set of recent laws that are clearly aimed at silencing Polish judges on the rule of law. This pertains to both removing their ability to question the independence of other judges and to considering such notions as disciplinary offence. (2/13)
The "muzzle law" also requires Polish judges to disclose information on any civil society activities of theirs - from membership in judges' associations to local science fiction fan club. The Commission says that this violates both the right to private life and the GDPR. (3/13)
2. What is the Commission doing?
It's applying to CJEU to examine the "muzzle law" and requests for it to be found incompatible with EU law. The Commission is also requesting that CJEU issues interim orders (injunctions, for you common law folks). (4/13)
3. What are those interim orders about?
The Commission wants CJEU to halt the activity of the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court, including it lifting judicial immunity from criminal prosecution - including rolling back immunities lifted so far. (5/13)
It also wants the CJEU to suspend the elements of "muzzle law" outlined above.
4. Didn't CJEU already issue an interim order on this or are my notes from Poland scrambled?
They're not. The CJEU did already issue an interim order concerning the Disciplinary Chamber. (6/13)
It ordered Poland to halt any activity of that Chamber, but Poland didn't comply. Unfortunately, with that interim order the CJEU did not empower the Commission to use financial sanctions to enforce the order, leaving it toothless. (7/13)
5. What next? When can we expect CJEU to act?
CJEU is a cantankerous court, it can take ages to reach some decisions and it can blitz towards others. On one previous interim order, it took the court just 17 days to issue it. Hopefully it will be just as fast this time. (8/13)
6. Why is timing so critical here?
It seems like the Commission is taking broad, general action, but the interim order request has a very specific application: the case of judge Igor Tuleya. His immunity was lifted and he faces criminal charges. (9/13)
The CJEU interim could shield Tuleya (and other activist judges) from prosecution, so it's now race against time. Hopefully nobody in Luxembourg took an extended vacation around Easter. (10/13)
7. Will the CJEU issue a "hard" interim order with sanctions?
Hopefully. Financial pressure is about the only thing the Polish government seems to be respecting. Covid-19 leaves Polish economy in an increasingly bad shape and Poland can't really afford to lose EU money. (11/13)
8. Interim order aside, when will the CJEU rule on merits?
The judgment on merits is crystal ball territory. Let's not forget that there are multiple other Polish cases pending before CJEU (see @ProfPech and his inforgraphics of quick reference), so this is a long run. (12/13)
9. So, is this a positive development?
Certainly. The Commission was heavily criticised for not moving fast enough on Poland. There are some finer elements of the Commission's case that could be stronger, but overall, this is a very welcome move from Jourová and Reynders. (13/13)
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🇧🇪⚖️Wednesdays are increasingly becoming the rule of law days. Hot on the heels of the Commission taking action on Poland, a court in Brussels orders the Belgian government to immediately lift all covid-19 emergency measures or pay a fine for every day of delay in doing so. (1/6)
Reasons? Legality - the measures were introduced by means of decrees of the government, not via law enacted by the parliament. The government is to provide an accurate legal basis for the measures or ... face a not exactly excessive fine of 5k EUR daily, up to 200k EUR. (2/6)
But the real point here is - countries worldwide, including developed, lawful democracies, have resorted to limiting rights and freedoms via secondary legislation. Poland is another example of this practice, as most restrictions are imposed via governmental decrees. (3/6)
The European Commission takes Poland to CJEU over the "muzzle law" (silencing judges speaking on rule of law issues) and requests the CJEU to issue interim measures halting actions of the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court and to annul all waiving of judicial immunity.
With multiple criminal cases underway where the immunity of judges was lifted, the timing of this measure is critical. Of course the question is, will the Polish government comply?
Full press release of the Commission, complete with some background info to help understand this complex legal scaffolding: ec.europa.eu/commission/pre…
🇵🇱👩⚖️⚖️🇪🇺 The Prime Minister of Poland is requesting the Constitutional Tribunal to "once and for all establish that the Polish Constitution is superior to EU law". This is wrong on many levels. (1/7)
First of all, the relationship between national law and EU law has been the subject of several landmark decisions of CJEU in the past. This matter is more or less resolved on the EU side of the things and there's little ambiguity here. (2/7)
On the Polish end, this has been resolved, too. The Polish Constitution, sadly, does not have much in the way of tackling the issue, as unlike some other MS it lacks an "EU Chapter" that would detail how does EU law fit into the Polish legal system. (3/7)
🇵🇱⚖️🇪🇺Today's CJEU judgment regarding Poland, a FAQ:
Where did this case come from?
It’s a referral from the Polish Supreme Administrative Court. Which means that the CJEU was limited to answering judicial questions from the Polish court.
(1/6)
What is it about?
In a nutshell, it’s about judges who were almost appointed to the Polish Supreme Court, but a series of legislative amendments, changes to the National Council of Judiciary and decisions by the President left them ultimately shut out of the appointment.
(2/6)
What did the CJEU say?
In plain words: it’s quite possible that this legal and institutional scaffolding is contrary to EU law, and if you, the referring Polish court, were to find so, apply the principle of EU law primacy and disregard domestic norms that violate EU law.
(3/6)
🤰🇵🇱⚖️🧵Polish Constitutional Tribunal has ruled that #abortion due to defects of the foetus is unconstitutional. These days the global trend is to liberalise abortion laws, but it is 2020 so here we are with an effective ban on 98% of legal abortions in Poland. (1/6)
It is not the first time the Polish Constitutional Tribunal is doing a reverse Roe vs Wade. For a brief moment in mid-90s, abortion was allowed on social and personal grounds. This #law was struck down by the CT in 1997. (2/6)
The two remaining grounds for abortion are: a threat to the health of the woman or the pregnancy being a result of sexual assault/incest. Legal abortions on these grounds are exceedingly rare. (3/6)
🇵🇱⚖️🧵
So, what’s the deal with the Polish #ombudsman’s term and the Constitutional Tribunal ruling on that?
The Polish #NHRI, ombudsman, Commissioner for Civil Rights, a man of many talents, @Adbodnar, was appointed for a 5-year term according to the Polish #Constitution. (1/7)
The appointment of an ombudsman requires a vote in BOTH chambers of the Polish #parliament – the lower one, Sejm (controlled by the ruling party) and the upper one, Senat (controlled by the opposition). Currently, this means a deadlock on any contentious candidacy. (2/7)
What happens if both chambers of the parliament can’t agree? The #Constitution is silent on this, but according to the #law on the ombudsman, the incumbent stays in the office until the parliament decides. Which means that Adam Bodnar is now an on an “extended” term. (3/7)