New Becket Fund amicus brief in support of emergency injunction against California COVID rules attacks criticisms of #SCOTUS's "shadow docket" as "ivory tower objections" by "academics focused solely on the Supreme Court."

supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/20/2…
I'll leave to others whether Becket is fairly describing the critics. But it's worth stressing that it's clearly mis-describing the criticisms. The objections aren't to the *existence* of an emergency docket; it goes without saying that every court, including #SCOTUS, needs one.
Rather, the objections are to (1) how often #SCOTUS has used such orders to change the status quo recently; (2) usually *without* any reasoning for the Court; (3) in at least apparent defiance of its own standards for granting such relief; & (4) *sometimes*, with no "emergency."
Becket may believe that these criticisms are outweighed by the benefits of the *results* in these cases. So be it.

But that's not the same as insinuating, as its amicus brief does, that the criticisms are specious charges (and by folks who don't know what they're talking about).

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More from @steve_vladeck

10 Apr
#SCOTUS issued another significant ruling on its "shadow docket" late last night, voting 5-4 to block California's #COVID-based restrictions on in-home gatherings insofar as they interfere with religious practice:

supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf…

How often is this happening?

A #thread: Image
As the chart notes, this is (at least) the *19th* time this Term (since 10/5/2020) that the Justices have used such an emergency ruling to alter the status quo—whether by staying a lower-court ruling; lifting a lower-court stay; or, as here, directly enjoining a government actor.
It's also only the *second* time in these 19 cases that the majority chose to write an opinion *for the Court* that provides a rationale for the decision (and the first such opinion in one of these California cases), even if it's a brief one: ImageImageImageImage
Read 8 tweets
23 Mar
1. Given all of the chatter on D.C. statehood, I thought I'd post a few quick points about what the Constitution does—and, more importantly, *doesn't*—say about the location and size of the capital.

TL;DR: Admitting (most of) D.C. as a state would be perfectly constitutional.
2. Start with the Constitution itself. Famously, it punts on the location of the capital.

All that Article I says is that Congress will have the power to exclusively regulate the land that becomes "the seat of government of the United States," which must be <= 10 square miles.
3. Critically, the Constitution does not say (1) *where* the capital will be; or (2) whether it must be *exactly* 10 square miles. It deliberately left both of those determinations to Congress.

Enter Alexander Hamilton, the Residence Act of 1790, and "the room where it happens."
Read 11 tweets
7 Mar
20 minutes into Coming 2 America and this is all I can say.
45 minutes in...
We’ve reached the self-mockery and shameless product placement stage of the proceedings...
Read 6 tweets
17 Feb
The craziest part of this ongoing Texas crisis (as we enter the *third* night of freezing temperatures and millions without power) is that there's been minimal progress on power *restoration.* If anything, we appear to be going backwards—with more folks losing power than gaining.
Outages happen, especially during crazy weather events like what we had Sunday. But not a drop of precipitation has fallen since early Monday (although we expect some later tonight), and *no* explanation has been provided for why sources that went offline haven't come back on.
This @JesseJenkins thread is remarkably helpful in explaining how we got here. But it also makes clear that "frozen natural gas pipelines" isn't a full explanation for why we haven't been able to make up the deficit:

Read 4 tweets
19 Jan
1. In honor of Trump’s last full day in office, and what may end up being the big story of the day, here’s a quick #thread on the President’s pardon power — and answers to some of the questions about it that may come up today:
2. Article II, § 2 of the Constitution gives the President the power to “grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.”

The idea was to provide the executive with a check on (perceived) excesses by the courts.
3. That’s why the pardon power is absolute; it wouldn’t be much of a check on the courts if they had the power to review every pardon. Instead, the remedy for abuses of the power, as Chief Justice — and former President — Taft wrote for #SCOTUS in 1925, is ... impeachment.
Read 14 tweets
15 Jan
1. Thanks to MyPillow guy (sigh), here's, hopefully for the last forking time, one more #thread on the Insurrection Act — and why there's neither a legal nor practical pathway by which Trump could use it to somehow stay in power and/or prevent Biden's inauguration next Wednesday:
2. Let's start at the beginning. The "Insurrection Act" is actually shorthand for a *series* of statutes dating back to 1792 that authorize the President to use the military for domestic law enforcement.

You'll find them today at 10 U.S.C. §§ 251–55:

law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10…
3. Critically, invoking the Insurrection Act is *not* tantamount to invoking "martial law." Almost every invocation of the statute throughout its history has been to *supplement* civilian law enforcement, not to *supplant* it — most recently during the Rodney King riots in LA.
Read 9 tweets

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