#SCOTUS issued another significant ruling on its "shadow docket" late last night, voting 5-4 to block California's #COVID-based restrictions on in-home gatherings insofar as they interfere with religious practice:
As the chart notes, this is (at least) the *19th* time this Term (since 10/5/2020) that the Justices have used such an emergency ruling to alter the status quo—whether by staying a lower-court ruling; lifting a lower-court stay; or, as here, directly enjoining a government actor.
It's also only the *second* time in these 19 cases that the majority chose to write an opinion *for the Court* that provides a rationale for the decision (and the first such opinion in one of these California cases), even if it's a brief one:
13 of these rulings have provoked at least three Justices to publicly dissent; and last night's is the third to provoke (the same four) Justices to dissent—the Chief Justice and Justices Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan (the latter three of whom joined in a short dissenting opinion):
This volume is staggering in two respects. First, there have been more of these rulings to this point in the Term (19) than there have been signed rulings in argued cases (18). That is, the status-quo-altering part of the "shadow docket" has—for now—*overtaken* the merits docket.
Second, until recently, the Court was averaging single-digit totals of such rulings each Term, including Terms where there might have been only a handful of status-quo-altering emergency rulings.
We're just *halfway* through the current Term (ends 10/4/21), so 19 is ... a lot.
By themselves, the total says nothing about *why* there are now so many more of these rulings—or whether the uptick is more a reflection on the underlying disputes, the lower courts' rulings, or the Justices' views.
For now, let me just underscore what the data clearly show: The shadow docket has become not just an *important* feature of #SCOTUS's work, but an increasingly *dominant* one. Whether or not you like the *results* in these cases, that has serious institutional implications.
/end
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Yesterday, I posted a thread about how Friday's 5-4 #SCOTUS ruling enjoining CA's #COVID restrictions on in-home gatherings is the latest in a major uptick in status quo-altering rulings on the Court's "shadow docket."
The specific relief that the Court granted Friday night is an "injunction pending appeal," which bars the enjoined officers from carrying out the blocked policies until and unless the case is conclusively resolved (in favor of the blocked policy) on the merits. Here's the order:
Such an injunction, which operates directly against government officers and is only available when at least two lower courts have already refused to provide such relief, is *supposed* to be exceedingly rare.
Here's Justice Scalia on the comparison with a stay pending appeal:
New Becket Fund amicus brief in support of emergency injunction against California COVID rules attacks criticisms of #SCOTUS's "shadow docket" as "ivory tower objections" by "academics focused solely on the Supreme Court."
I'll leave to others whether Becket is fairly describing the critics. But it's worth stressing that it's clearly mis-describing the criticisms. The objections aren't to the *existence* of an emergency docket; it goes without saying that every court, including #SCOTUS, needs one.
Rather, the objections are to (1) how often #SCOTUS has used such orders to change the status quo recently; (2) usually *without* any reasoning for the Court; (3) in at least apparent defiance of its own standards for granting such relief; & (4) *sometimes*, with no "emergency."
1. Given all of the chatter on D.C. statehood, I thought I'd post a few quick points about what the Constitution does—and, more importantly, *doesn't*—say about the location and size of the capital.
TL;DR: Admitting (most of) D.C. as a state would be perfectly constitutional.
2. Start with the Constitution itself. Famously, it punts on the location of the capital.
All that Article I says is that Congress will have the power to exclusively regulate the land that becomes "the seat of government of the United States," which must be <= 10 square miles.
3. Critically, the Constitution does not say (1) *where* the capital will be; or (2) whether it must be *exactly* 10 square miles. It deliberately left both of those determinations to Congress.
Enter Alexander Hamilton, the Residence Act of 1790, and "the room where it happens."
The craziest part of this ongoing Texas crisis (as we enter the *third* night of freezing temperatures and millions without power) is that there's been minimal progress on power *restoration.* If anything, we appear to be going backwards—with more folks losing power than gaining.
Outages happen, especially during crazy weather events like what we had Sunday. But not a drop of precipitation has fallen since early Monday (although we expect some later tonight), and *no* explanation has been provided for why sources that went offline haven't come back on.
This @JesseJenkins thread is remarkably helpful in explaining how we got here. But it also makes clear that "frozen natural gas pipelines" isn't a full explanation for why we haven't been able to make up the deficit:
1. In honor of Trump’s last full day in office, and what may end up being the big story of the day, here’s a quick #thread on the President’s pardon power — and answers to some of the questions about it that may come up today:
2. Article II, § 2 of the Constitution gives the President the power to “grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.”
The idea was to provide the executive with a check on (perceived) excesses by the courts.
3. That’s why the pardon power is absolute; it wouldn’t be much of a check on the courts if they had the power to review every pardon. Instead, the remedy for abuses of the power, as Chief Justice — and former President — Taft wrote for #SCOTUS in 1925, is ... impeachment.