A year ago today, the House of Commons returned to business transformed by COVID-19. This briefing (summarised in a letter to @thetimes) highlights five ways in which the government’s approach to the House of Commons has eroded parliamentary control
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1.The use of emergency legislation.
The Coronavirus Act 2020 relaxed the normal safeguards on official action. But it passed the Commons in just one day, and despite requiring six-monthly renewal, has been debated by MPs for just five hours in the past year.
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2.Use of COVID-related Statutory Instruments.
SIs are subject to little to no scrutiny, but over 400 have been introduced since the pandemic began. The Commons Speaker has described their lack of scrutiny & rushed nature as ‘totally unsatisfactory’ bit.ly/3sx9JPK
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3.Public spending.
Parliament’s weak control over public spending has been greatly exacerbated by the pandemic. It is estimated that up to £469 billion could be spent in 2021-22 prior to parliamentary approval of departmental spending plans. bit.ly/3n55b1Z
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4.The denial of MPs’ equal participation rights.
The government’s decision to end virtual participation in legislative proceedings left the most medically vulnerable members excluded from contributing to key Commons business for 224 days. bit.ly/3n3aA9C
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5.Unnecessary mass use of proxy votes.
Ministers also ended use of MPs’ electronic voting app. Now just 18 members (mostly whips) hold the votes of 595 MPs. The chair of the Procedure Committee has said that the system is ‘sub-standard... and is possibly open to abuse’.
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Individually, each of these five developments is shocking. Collectively, they amount to a fundamental undermining and exclusion of parliament and its members from crucial decisions– on policy, spending, and the management of the House of Commons itself.
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There are real dangers that the government has become too comfortable with decision-making that evades parliamentary scrutiny.
One year on, it is essential to prioritise the full restoration of parliamentary accountability and MPs’ individual participation rights.
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The experts from these four key organisations succinctly summarise their arguments on how government has marginalised the House of Commons during the past year of the pandemic in a letter to today’s @thetimes📰
A new report by Unit Director Meg Russell and @danielgover argues that the House of Commons should govern its own time – and makes proposals for wresting back that control from the government. @UKandEU
There have been numerous recent controversies over control of the Commons’ time
Think of Brexit headlines about MPs ‘seizing the agenda’, or clashes over procedure during the pandemic. At the heart of both lie questions about who decides what the Commons discusses & when⏱️
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At present, the government has significant agenda control 💪. And it has monopoly control over prorogation & recall, which determine whether the Commons can sit at all.
Our new report explores this system, its problems, and what can be done.
@DanielGover & @james_lisak review the development of the hybrid Commons during 2020 - arguing that remote voting must now be restored, & that these events reveal the problems of government control over the Commons agenda
Last spring, the Commons adapted quickly to the challenges of the pandemic. Hybrid arrangements for select committees & Commons debates, & online remote voting, were all in place by mid-May - a major achievement by Commons staff.
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But in May the government simply allowed those arrangements to lapse, despite anger from opposition & backbench MPs.
It would take until 30/12 - when the government wanted MPs to debate its Brexit deal legislation - for full virtual participation in debates to be restored.
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Statement from Unit Director Professor Meg Russell on the 16 new appointments to the House of Lords announced today.
"It is hard not to see the Prime Minister’s latest round of peerage appointments as anything less than outrageous"
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It's 3 days before (what's left of) Christmas, so there will be no full analysis now.
But to see the effects of today's peerage announcements just add 16 (7 Con, 5 Lab, 4 Crossbench) to the details below. The rest of the analysis still stands.
Following 14 months of research, deliberation, interviews and consultation, the Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland launches its interim report.
To launch the Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland’s interim report the Group is convening a series of webinars.
The webinars are an opportunity for discussion of the report’s purposes, analysis, and conclusions
Details👇
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The Unit is hosting one of the webinars
3 December @ 1pm
Chair of the group @alanjrenwick will be joined on the panel with Working Group member Alan Whysall, former senior civil servant Clare Salters & @martinkettle