Strange to see the replies to @bot_2024. Some insist 2024 could be an R+2 year, but then dismiss the possibility of a D+10 year in the same breath. But both basically consist of parties getting electoral reversion with one demographic while accelerating their gains with another.
There's more evidence for Hispanics reverting than there is for white suburbanites doing so, but it's still not prudent for Democrats to toss Hispanic reversion around as a given. It's not! That's why Biden's approval rating staying high with Hispanic voters is so important.
With regards to white suburbanites and the GOP, I honestly don't think the GOP has shown that they're intent on doing anything but doubling down on the Trump electoral strategy any time soon. So no, I don't find that scenario likely right now unless they nominate Charlie Baker.
Related: there is absolutely no reason to expect Miami-Dade to go back to D+20 in 2022. If you say "past isn't predictive" with respect to suburbanites not reverting, the same does hold for Cuban voters in Miami.
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What happens if you project the 2020 electorate onto a midterm?
Here's the 2020 electorate for a variety of swing states projected across the last 4 midterms. The blue wave of 2006 being worse in a geographic projection than the 2010 red wave shows the realignment quite starkly.
Geographic projections miss the individual voter shift, but are a correlate of that effect, so it's an okay first-order approximation. Dem midterm edge among educated voters is clearest in Georgia, where the GOP base relies disproportionately on non-college whites.
Additionally, the explosive growth of metro areas in Georgia, Texas and North Carolina, combined with population loss in the rurals, might actually show an overly-friendly GOP edge in the older midterm years in those states.
Lot of misconceptions about who HR-1 benefits with higher voter turnout.
Here's a simple regression of how a county's turnout change from 2012 (as a % of 2012 votes) correlates with 2020 Democratic margin (weighted by votes cast). Not *at all* clear that the GOP is hurt by this.
I'm sharing this with caution because of ecological fallacy risk; we don't know who is the surge voter from this regression. I'm just trying to see if there's an obvious correlation about which party gains with higher turnout in presidential years benefits. I can't see any.
This is actually suggesting that there is an ever-so-slight correlation between higher turnout and a small Republican lean, but I really don't feel comfortable drawing that conclusion given that the granularity of the data points is only at a county level. Use this with caution.
To summarize how bad of a candidate Rick Santorum is, he's one of the very few politicians who managed to turn incumbency into a large disadvantage.
How this man thought he could ever run for President and win, I truly do not know, but never doubt the hubris of a DC politician surrounded by lobbyists.
nothing in particular sparked this tweet I just think any time is a good time to laugh at Rick Santorum
🚨MODEL DROP🚨: @notkavi and I have built a model (@bot_2024) that will provide a host of possible 2024 maps based on demographics, coalitions, the continuation/reversal/acceleration of differing trends, and varying national environments. It will tweet one map a day.
We estimate demographics by taking ACS estimates and projecting 2024 totals based on demographic trends. Electoral vote totals are per @270toWin’s estimate of reapportionment after the census. Close states (<0.5% margin) are made a lighter shade of the winning party's color.
By perturbing specific feature weights, we (largely) preserve county correlations, which should avoid some ridiculous maps. The purpose of the exercise is not to predict, but to showcase a range of scenarios on what 2024 could look like.
In 2008, Mary Landrieu won her Louisiana Senate race by about 6.5 points, outperforming Barack Obama by about 25 points.
That wasn't even the biggest Senate overperformance; Johnson (SD), Collins (ME), and Pryor (AR) overperformed by much more.
This is unfathomable now.
Don't "Joe Manchin" this when you know we're talking about presidential year overperformance, but if we're going to make that (very) flawed comparison, Manchin overperformed Obama by 51 points in 2012.
In 2018, he won by 3, which is a 42 point improvement on Biden's 2020 margin.