The government recently announced plans to form a nonprofit entity to take over the media businesses of Singapore Press Holdings. Many observers have offered their thoughts on the merits of this arrangement (including my #workersparty colleagues). (1/n)
I thought it would be interesting to examine the economics of the local media industry in a little more detail. While it’s not possible to cover all relevant aspects, a few issues did jump out at me. (2/n)
The Straits Times and its associated vernacular sister publications (Lianhe Zaobao, Berita Harían, etc) currently operate under the auspices of an effective monopoly conferred by the state; at the moment, only SPH has been permitted to operate as a newspaper company. (3/n)
There’s actually an economic case to justify granting exclusive rights to one entity: its called a natural monopoly, which occurs when barriers to entry are sufficiently high (like when startup costs are huge, or if intellectual property is required to be competitive). (4/n)
Common instances of natural monopolies in the wild are telecoms and utilities (some folks claim airlines are like that too, but financing initial capital outlays is easier these days, so the barriers seem to be more regulatory than anything). (5/n)
In most advanced economies, the right to publish newspapers is not generally restricted by the state, and ownership of the media typically falls in private hands. Of course, this need not guarantee that the media landscape is diverse. (6/n)
In Australia, private media ownership resides in two firms (News Corp and Nine), and in Italy, the Berlusconi family dominates the media space. But the industry is competitive; meaning that there is freedom to enter the space and compete. (7/n)
Singapore has allowed some competition in online media (with POFMA ostensibly keeping these outlets responsible), but, with the exception of a brief sojourn by Mediacorp (via Today, which has since gone online), print newspapers remain an effective SPH monopoly. (8/n)
Now, monopolies usually make a profit, owing to the fact that they are able to charge prices significantly above their costs. Unfortunately, this runs against the other prevailing global trend, of decreasing readership of print media. (9/n)
This isn’t the case for all media, of course. Publications that have offered value-added pieces, whether in terms of opinion, information, or local insight, have been able to sustain subscription charges. So not all media are automatically doomed. (10/n)
What is needed, then, is for SPH papers to actually satisfy a need. The government argues that this need is to be the newspaper of record. But this is clearly insufficient to render SPH profitable, in spite of its official status, and effective monopoly. (11/n)
Would restructuring under a company limited by guarantee (CLG, the proposal supported by the government) work to restore SPH’s prospects? It’s hard to say, but it’s difficult to see the entity succeed in the long run if it doesn’t offer the value-add aspects mentioned. (12/n)
How are such value-added aspects best achieved? In my view, it is by granting reporters and editors the freedom to run with their ideas, and to respond to their beliefs about the sort of stories to pursue. Like all businesses, profits come from satisfying consumer demand. (13/n)
The concern, then, is that the editorial independence of the papers are compromised by the CLG. To be clear, papers have always faced pressures on their independence. As CEO Ng Yat Chung observed, the papers have always had advertisers, but never conceded to them. (14/n)
But there is a marked difference between the pressure from a diffuse mass of multiple advertisers, versus the concentrated influence of one major owner or donor. The former allows for a BBC or an NPR; the latter gives rise to Fox News and Pravda. (15/n)
The #workersparty has repeatedly argued for greater competition in our local media space, with more TV and newspaper licenses issued to non-government-affiliated (but locally owned-and-managed) entities. (16/n)
In the recent session of Parliament, Pritam also called for a select committee to allow public expression of preferred editorial standards for the CLG. This was rejected by Minister Iswaran, who argued that editorial independence already existed. (17/n)
I’ll let folks come to their own conclusions on whether they agree. Two useful factoids to consider: the new chair of the CLG will be the ex-chairman of the PAP, and Reporters Without Borders recently ranked press freedom here at 160, between Sudan and Somalia. (n/n)
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
I first arrived in the United States with around 10 grand in savings, a box of economics textbooks, and a baggage full of dreams. Unlike many PhD students, I did not initially receive any financial assistance. (1/n)
So the first few months were especially rough. I found the cheapest room I could, traveled by bike, and ate a lot of frozen dinners. But I bled through the savings quickly, mainly because of costly out-of-state tuition fees. (2/n)
But I was very lucky. The family I lived with was exceedingly generous. I ate two meals with them each day, for which I paid only a fraction of the cost. They would invite me to their family holidays. They were kind and wise and supportive. (3/n)
This pandemic recession has been brutal for many Singaporeans, especially those that have been displaced from long-held jobs. But such displacements predated #COVID-19; technological advances and trade globalization mean this trend is set to continue. (1/n)
This means that what is needed is an end-to-end jobs safety net. At the back end, the Professional Conversion Program and SkillsFuture help workers reskill, while cofinancing via the Jobs Growth Incentive makes it more palatable for employers to take on retrained rookies. (2/n)
But there is more limited support at the front end. Immediately after losing their jobs, there usually isn’t any immediate relief for retrenched workers. While such insurance payouts aren’t huge, they are often very welcome help at a difficult time. (3/n)
I first experienced financial markets as a young boy, going to the stockbroking firm my mother worked at in the evenings and on Saturday morning (Mom often worked late, and we didn’t have a helper until my sister was born, so this was early-80s-style childcare). (1/n)
My first few temporary jobs were also in the back offices of different financial firms. That’s what got me interested in international finance to begin with, a field I would write several theses about and go on to get a PhD. It is my (intelectual) first love. (2/n)
Although I now ply my trade at a university, most of my career has actually been outside of academia; in a think tank, an international financial institution, and a sovereign wealth fund. Each offered a different perspective on financial markets, which I value deeply. (3/n)
Working in a research-focused
institution, one becomes keenly aware of the importance of innovation as a driver of technology and productivity, which in turn is a source of growth and development. (1/n)
Indeed, economists widely acknowledge that sustained, long-run growth is only possible with technological improvements. This is the case with old-school (Solow-style) growth models, as well as newer (Romer-type) “endogenous” growth models. (2/n)
But by the same token, economists know remarkably little about what gives rise to innovation. Ideas, of course, but the field is largely silent about the generation of new ideas (other than assuming that they may arrive via some random process). (3/n)
A free rider, as defined in economics, is an individual (or group) that reaps the benefits of the actions of others, without paying the cost (or underpaying for it). It is a form of market failure, and characterizes nonexcludable goods (those whose use cannot be restricted).
In his opening address to the 14th Parliament, PM Lee spoke of a number of issues. Many points he made were thoughtful, and drew on his deep experience in government, and as Prime Minister. I appreciated his insight and candor.
PM Lee also suggested (and I paraphrase) that the argument that voting for the opposition because others will still return the PAP to power is what the economist will associate with being a free rider.
I spent the largest part of my professional career thus far at the @WorldBank. During that time, I was involved in formulating policy for a wide variety of nations, both democratic, and less so. So FWIW, here are some thoughts on the policymaking process in a democratic society.
For good or ill, decisions made by the majority (or representatives of that majority) apply to all citizens in the country. One may individually disagree. If so, the time to debate a policy’s merits is prior to enactment. But once policy becomes law, all are compelled to follow.
It would thus be profoundly undemocratic (and discriminatory) to apply a given policy selectively to a segment of the population, unless of course the segment were the explicit target of the policy (think maternity leave for mothers only, or min wages for the low-income only).