This is an interesting talk. A few comments (they deserve an essay but I’ll do my best).
1. The thesis that the rule of law is a difficult concept that may be being over-extended has some force. But that may be because it’s being used to do jobs that in a mature constitution would have been properly articulated: such as the boundary between courts and legislature.
2. These claims are not alternatives: they can be (and are) both true. The U.K. executive in the 50s/60s had an extraordinary amount of power (Hailsham’s “elective dictatorship”). It was constrained by “good chaps” understandings of how that power would be used.
(a) We have rightly moved away from that model: devolution; the HRA; judicial review - all checks on unrestrained central executive power.
(b) the “good chaps” conventions are weaker: we see Henry VIII/Charles I powers; “fill in here” legislation giving huge powers to ministers to legislate more or less by decree; weakening of accountability to Parliament.
The move of going back to the 1950s (i) seeks to reverse welcome checks on executive power since then and (ii) ignores the various other ways in which the executive has been grabbing power since then. Reversing (i) while not reversing (ii) means a supercharged executive.
Under cover of a “back to the past” veneer, it aims at an executive free both of current restraints and of the informal, “good chaps”, restraints of the past. It is a power grab.
(NB that the @colmocinneide article @RobertBuckland quotes from makes the point - which, oddly, Buckland ignores - that there are very good reasons why we have been moving away from the old U.K. govt executive power model.)
3. The claim about the work that “rule of law” is being asked to do and on its (mis)use in recent cases is rather spectacularly not linked to the actual attacks on judicial review that the current government is pursuing.
What those proposals actually are: (a) an ill-conceived and incoherent proposal to make it easier to insulate undefined classes of decisions from judicial review at all and
(b) a proposal to allow unlawful executive decisions to have legal effects even if they exceed executive powers.
Neither proposal ties into (or is even claimed to tie into) Buckland’s point about over-use of the concept of “rule of law”.
4. This passage is just bizarre. What was at issue was a proposal to give the executive the power to infringe a treaty that it had signed less than 12 months previously. International law is law: and it is incoherent to exclude it from the scope of “rule of law”
And the challenge to the rule of law was precisely that the current government - until stopped by such lefty radicals as Michael Howard and Ken Clarke in the Lords - avowedly and expressly planned to break (international) law.
Much more to be said: but I’m generally pretty unimpressed.

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

18 Jun
Not obvious to me that this is a legally relevant consideration in imposing quarantine on return from an amber country on the double-vaccinated under *public health* powers.
The basis for imposing quarantine on a person under section 45F of the Public Health Act 1984 is that the requirement is for preventing danger to public health.
If quarantining P isn’t justified on the basis that (unless quarantined) P poses a danger to public health, then P can’t be quarantined: it’s irrelevant that it’s “not fair in many ways” that P isn’t subject to that obligation while others (who do pose that danger) are.
Read 5 tweets
17 Jun
Interesting set of responses to that question. The best answers note that inward mobility from the EU may not be in the national interest simply because the volume will be larger.
But that response raises further questions about the current government’s position.
1. The govt now accepts that it’s in UK national interest to have outward mobility for young people/creatives/business etc to 🇦🇺.
Read 8 tweets
16 Jun
A series of points on the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol.
1. It sets out binding obligations under international law - as an integral part of the Withdrawal Agreement.
2. It is also incorporated into U.K. law (s.7A of the EU Withdrawal Agreement). It binds the U.K. government as a matter of domestic law (subject to legislation clearly overriding it, which would be unlikely to clear the House of Lords).
Read 21 tweets
15 Jun
This would be a good quote for an exam question: are ministers more like bosses, or clients, of the civil service?
A good answer would focus on the civil service code and on Part 1 of the Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010.
In favour of “boss”: Ministers’ power to manage the CS; the requirement that the CS code “to carry out their duties for the assistance of the administration as it is duly constituted for the time being, whatever its political complexion.” (ss.3(1) and 7(2)).
Read 10 tweets
13 Jun
One under-discussed aspect of threats by the U.K. government to breach/ignore the I/NI Protocol: it needs to be remembered that non-compliance with the Protocol is also non-compliance with *domestic* U.K. law which the U.K. government has no *domestic* power to over-ride.
See s7A of the Withdrawal Act.
Subject to issues of standing (which are these days rarely decisive) the U.K. courts could be asked to make orders (declarations/injunctions) to restrain any government attempt to waive or legislate to remove Protocol obligations.
Read 8 tweets
11 Jun
I think it’s important to explain why this take by @Dominic2306 is wrong (particularly as the thread goes on to call for - unspecified - JR reforms, on the basis that this shows why JR is damaging to good government). (Long thread)
First, when reading his criticisms of the detailed procurement rules, remember that the judge actually found that (apart from the apparent bias issue) the government complied with those rules and was entitled to use the emergency procedures.
(Judgment here: see grounds 1 and 2 - paras 71-131.) drive.google.com/file/d/1zf_3NX…
Read 31 tweets

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