A short #thread on why #SCOTUS's Arthrex ruling is a big deal:
A lot of adjudication happens in the Executive Branch. Social Security benefits; immigration claims; patent appeals; etc. And "judges" ("administrative law judges") are usually involved in *resolving* those disputes.
No one thinks these judges are the same as Article III judges (with life tenure and salary protection). But should they be *totally* beholden to their political masters, or should there be at least some modicum of independence insulating their rulings from political interference?
Congress has tried for the latter approach, creating detailed procedures to govern the hiring and firing of administrative law judges — and delineating specific circumstances in which their rulings can be overturned by the Executive Branch (as opposed to by an Article III court).
Today's decision holds that Congress isn't allowed to do that. By giving these Administrative Patent Judges the power to resolve disputes *without* plenary supervision by a political appointee, the 5-4 majority held that Congress thereby violated Article II's Appointments Clause.
And the remedy reflects that. Here, a 7-2 majority held that the way to fix the constitutional problem is to allow the Director of the PTO (a political appointee) to decide whether to rehear any and all decisions by these administrative judges — so that he can set their agenda.
This *could* have significant implications for the independence of *all* administrative judges within the Executive Branch — where the choice now is to have the judges *themselves* be political appointees or to have their rulings be subject to plenary review by such appointees.
Either way, this opens the door to the exercise of far more political control over administrative law judges in the Executive Branch—trading the value of quasi-independent adjudications for the principle of a "unitary" executive. Some will say that's a feature; to me, it's a bug.
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With 17 #SCOTUS decisions in argued cases left, a brief statistical note on the impact of Justice Barrett versus Justice Ginsburg:
So far, there hasn't been a *single* argued case in which Justice Barrett has been part of a 5-4 majority (where the difference could've mattered).
On the "shadow docket," in contrast, there've been at least three rulings where she was in a (publicly) 5-4 majority; one where she was part of a 6-3 majority to summarily reverse (which usually needs six votes); & several where she *might* have been the fifth vote (e.g., Smith).
Two of the three 5-4 rulings (Roman Catholic Diocese & Tandon) are easily among the Court's most significant decisions of the Term thus far.
At least to this point, then, Justice Barrett's impact has been far more publicly visible on the shadow docket than on the merits docket.
Yesterday, a Trump-appointed district judge issued a "nationwide" injunction (which I guess are fine now) against the Biden Administration's moratorium on new oil & gas leases on federal land:
Hypocrisy aside, what's truly galling is the injury/equities:
Throughout the Trump Administration, #SCOTUS *repeatedly* issued stays of lower-court injunctions based on DOJ's argument that *any* injunction of federal policy not only causes irreparable harm, but that such harm tilts the balance of equities *toward* the federal government.
In other words, the reason why the federal government did so well on the "shadow docket" over the last four years was at least largely because of a subtle but undeniable shift in how #SCOTUS weighed *these two factors* — as I documented in 2019:
1/5: Turley is pulling a real Turley here, so let me be clear about what's actually true.
On June 9, 2020 (this date will matter), @rgoodlaw and I wrote a long @just_security post on the Attorney General's power, in general, to direct military forces in response to civil unrest.
2/5: As *part* of that post, we quoted from and linked to a news story in @thehill reporting—based upon high-level but unnamed DOJ sources—that it was Barr who had ordered the clearing of Lafayette Park.
3/5: One year later, the DOI Inspector General has concluded that Barr was *not* behind that controversial move. So be it. But Turley's tweet is not saying that *The Hill* (and, thus, our reliance on it) *was* wrong; he's saying I've "continued to claim" that it was Barr's doing.
One of the letter's arguments would also call into question the constitutionality of *six* of the AGs' states, as well: AL, IN, KS, MS, OH, & OK.
That's because the letter implies that, when a state cedes territory to the federal gov't, the territory can't later become part of a new state without the ceding state's specific consent. Except that each of these 6 states *includes* examples of territory meeting that criteria.
The letter's other argument—that, once Congress fixed the size of the seat of government at 100 square miles, it couldn't reduce it—is belied by the text of the Constitution ("not exceeding 10 miles square") and history (it hasn't been true since 1846):
Yesterday, I posted a thread about how Friday's 5-4 #SCOTUS ruling enjoining CA's #COVID restrictions on in-home gatherings is the latest in a major uptick in status quo-altering rulings on the Court's "shadow docket."
The specific relief that the Court granted Friday night is an "injunction pending appeal," which bars the enjoined officers from carrying out the blocked policies until and unless the case is conclusively resolved (in favor of the blocked policy) on the merits. Here's the order:
Such an injunction, which operates directly against government officers and is only available when at least two lower courts have already refused to provide such relief, is *supposed* to be exceedingly rare.
Here's Justice Scalia on the comparison with a stay pending appeal:
#SCOTUS issued another significant ruling on its "shadow docket" late last night, voting 5-4 to block California's #COVID-based restrictions on in-home gatherings insofar as they interfere with religious practice:
As the chart notes, this is (at least) the *19th* time this Term (since 10/5/2020) that the Justices have used such an emergency ruling to alter the status quo—whether by staying a lower-court ruling; lifting a lower-court stay; or, as here, directly enjoining a government actor.
It's also only the *second* time in these 19 cases that the majority chose to write an opinion *for the Court* that provides a rationale for the decision (and the first such opinion in one of these California cases), even if it's a brief one: