Big finding floating around today is that White Mainline Protestants (WMP) are rising. I'm a little skeptical.
- Unlikely that these changes would be caused by generational change. The other option is conversion.
- Not seeing those kinds of conversions in panel data.
[thread]
To start, this is not a take-down thread or anything like that. I'm trying to put puzzle pieces together and things aren't quite lining up. That's worth talking about even if I'm not quite sure what it means. Lots of respect for the PRRI team and the work they've done.
Big findings are a) WMP is up ~3pts and b) unaffiliated are down ~2pts over the last two years.
First question I ask: Might this be the result of changes in identity (i.e. conversion) or due to underlying demographic changes?
Demographic change doesn't strike me as a good explanation.
- Changes are too big/quick.
- They're moving in the wrong direction. If you swap out Silent+ generations for Gen Z, you'd expect WMP to decline and unaffiliated to rise. These changes are swimming against the current.
So that leaves us with conversion - people changing their religious identification over time.
But we're not seeing those changes in the VOTER Survey, which tracks the same people over time. If anything, we've got lots of people leaving WMP between '18 and '20.
What does all this mean? Honestly, I'm not sure.
Survey research is hard but what we can hope for is evidentiary triangulation - i.e. multiple sources of data with different strengths that tell roughly similar stories.
It's not obvious what we should do when they don't.
I could certainly tell a story about how PRRI's data is right and my interpretation + VOTER is wrong. I could also do the opposite.
This is why I said up top I'm "a little skeptical". Worth being holistic about this stuff and I'm not sure quite what to make of the finding.
@nataliemj10 if you've got any thoughts, let me know. Always fun to be totally wrong about something (usually means I get to learn something new).
@dhopkins1776 not sure if you track religious identification, but I'd be curious what you're seeing in your panel as well.
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@AEI's Karlyn Bowman and @samanthagoldst dive into the VOTER's surveys post-election data on voting experiences in 2020 and confidence in the results. 1/N
As noted by many, the rates of voting by mail soared this year.
While roughly similar numbers of Democratic and Republican voters cast their ballot by mail in 2016, there were substantial partisan divides in 2020. 2/N
Overall, relatively few reported experiencing problems voting (likely a testament to the time and energy that was put into making sure it went off smoothly).
Notably, Latinos were something of an outlier - more likely to report experiencing a problem on multiple questions. 3/N
New @monkeycageblog piece this morning on problems with the Exit Polls.
Some are in a rush to explain what happened, but readily apparent issues with the Exit Polls should make folks skeptical about using them to do that storytelling. [thread] washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/…
Short version:
-Historically, the exit polls have had race/edu composition issues.
-It happened again. The Exit Polls are under-reporting the share of the electorate that is white non-college.
-This has effects that can ripple throughout the survey, influencing the vote margins.
In '16, both States of Change (modeling ACS+CPS) and Pew's voter validation study said that 74% of voters were white, including 44% white noncollege. Assuming relative turnout stays the same and you get 72% and 41% in '20. Will likely be a little different, but a good baseline.
While the conversation around the Democratic Primary is currently focused on those candidates' electability, there’s another candidate with an electability challenge:
President Donald Trump.
1) One of the most durable features of Trump’s presidency is his unpopularity. His approval/ favorability # is stable but also low given the economy. Worse, his support is relatively "soft". His very unfavorable # is about twice as large as his very favorable # (49% v. 25%). 2/N
We see this in key voting groups. Majorities of Obama-Clinton(92%), Romney-Clinton (70%), and Obama-Other (70%) voters have a v. unfavorable view.
Only among Romney-Trump voters do a majority (67%) have a v. favorable view - a view shared by just 39% of Obama-Trump voters. 3/N
For a group to increase or maintain it's share of the electorate as it shrinks means that the relative turnout of the group needs to go up every single year.
How much? A patently unbelievable amount. 2/N
Go ahead and do the math yourself.
For WEP to have been 23% of the voting age population and 23% of the electorate in '04 means their turnout must have been roughly equal to the other 77% of people. VAP turnout was about 55% in '04, so let's use that as a starting place. 3/N
*New Brief Out This Morning*
Two years into Trump’s presidency, I take a look at how American opinions have evolved over since the 2016 election. Let’s dive right in. [THREAD] 1/N voterstudygroup.org/publication/tw…
1) The overwhelming majority (85%) of Americans have not changed their mind about Trump – holding either a consistently positive (36%) or consistently negative (48%) view of him. 2/N
There’s been a lot of talk about the “floor” of Trump’s support, but what about his ceiling? Let’s say we added up everyone who has expressed a positive view of Trump at any point in the last two years. This would still represent less than half (49%) of Americans. 3/N