I was on the road yesterday and am catching up with the strong reactions to David’s essay.
The gist of his argument is: past racist laws can have intergenerational impacts; we should address this; and we should use tools beyond Scripture to do so.
The first point is plainly obvious. Good people can disagree on the levels of the intergenerational impact vs. culture today, but if your parents and ancestors were the targets of legal discrimination, of course it can affect you.
Does this alone explain inequality in outcomes? I don’t think so, but @DavidAFrench doesn’t suggest it does in this essay.
Should we do something about it? I think so, but I approach it differently.
We have an affirmative responsibility to help the poor. Most people agree here.
Poverty levels are higher in minority communities (we can argue causes but that’s just a fact). So, if you’re in the business of helping the poor, you will help a lot Black and Brown people.
How can we best help the poor? @DavidAFrench, like most conservatives, has some ideas:
THREAD: "Revolución" was trending, so I thought I should help my fellow Americans understand how the Cuban regime requires and pressures its people, particularly students, to attend these fake pro-dictatorship rallies.
They want to control everything that happens inside their country. It's the only LatAm country that hasn't signed up for COVAX, a global vaccine effort with 190 countries. elnuevoherald.com/noticias/mundo…
According to this @elnuevoherald article from February: The Cuban government is not even purchasing vaccines from its allies, like Russia.
Medicine is a huge business and propaganda talking point for the Cuban dictatorship. They don't want to signal their system is inadequate.
.@krystalball and @esaagar seemed genuinely surprised that there are many Cuban Americans who would be willing to risk their lives to free their homeland if it came to that. They may want to try Googling: "Brigade 2506."
The use of force should always be a last resort, but if we're speaking in hypotheticals, of course many would support such an effort if needed.
It's easy to be dismissive of this when you've never lost your country to communism or when you haven't had family members executed.
That said, there's a lot that should be done short of boots on the ground, but it seems like @krystalball, @esaagar and @ggreenwald (who's a mouthpiece for LatAm leftists like Lula, Morales, etc.) know little about U.S. policy toward Cuba. So, let me walk you through it:
It’s worth noting that a lot of Cuban Americans were smeared as “racists” and “conspiracy theorists” by members of the media for correctly noting last year that BLM the org is a Marxist group. They will never receive an apology.
The idea that the Cuban regime is going to voluntarily transfer power is a fantasy. Regime topplings in Cuba have happened in the following ways:
1) Outside forces (1898, US help) 2) Military / Coup (1933 & 52, Machado & Batista) 3) Mass Uprising (1933 & 1959, Machado & Castro)
2021 Cuba is very different than 1959 & 1933 Cuba.
The biggest diff is that the Cuban people are unarmed. In 1933, the student groups that led uprisings resulting in Machado's ousting by the military had guns.
Castro had both guns and international $$$ (thx to the NYTimes).
There is strong support on the island now for toppling the Castro regime. Cubans are tired of living in misery and the only thing they thought (bc of propaganda) they had going for them (health care) has collapsed.
But an unarmed popular uprising faces serious hurdles.
The images that are coming out of Cuba are, in fact, being amplified by Cuban Americans — but they're coming from Cubans who live on the island. None of us do this for money.
Also, at this point, disillusionment with the regime is widespread.
It's difficult to gauge public opinion on the island. Polling is strictly banned. It's been done clandestinely before, and even in 2015 (when econ was better), Raul Castro was divisive and a plurality of Cubans had a negative view of Fidel Castro.
That's only gotten worse.
There are good people on both sides of the Cuba policy debate in South Florida.
The notion that exiles' interests in Cuba are driven by $ is just silly. If anything, the economic interests that support normalization far exceed the traditional Cuban exile community's.