🚨new results on the effect of UI supplements on job-finding 🚨

2 designs x 2 policy changes yield consistent pattern: small, precisely estimated disincentive effects

Disincentive remains small even after job openings up
An overarching theme of the pandemic has been to view the supplements as responsible for the biggest problems (slow employment recovery, usually conservatives) and the biggest successes (rising wages at the bottom, usually liberals).

Our results are inconsistent with both views.
Instead, it makes sense to think of the effects of pandemic UI primarily as an ambitious anti-poverty policy. I can’t think of a time before when a country gave *full* insurance to earnings losses (examples welcome in the comments)
“Micro and Macro Disincentive Effects of Expanded Unemployment Benefits”

Joint w @FionaGreigDC @pascaljnoel @Dan_M_Sullivan @JoeVavra

Updates our analysis from Feb of the disincentive.

voices.uchicago.edu/ganong/files/2…
Why would we use bank data to study this question?
* 1.2 million spells, so our estimates much more precise than survey data
* trace out effects of policies week by week
* observe people actually getting benefits
* separate recalls from new job starts
What’s new? Last time we produced estimates from expiration of $600 which relied heavily on a structural model. Now our estimates rely on more traditional applied micro assumptions.
First we look at the “macro” effect (the effect of increasing benefits for all workers)

Small increase in the job-finding rate when $600 expires and small decrease at $300 onset
Small effect is precisely estimated: p-value of .03 if timing of policy change is random
Second we look at the “micro” effect (the effect of increasing benefits for one worker)

Idea: $300 raises replacement rates most for low-inc workers. Compare workers with higher and lower replacement rates from the $300
Three key lessons:
1. Modest disincentive effect
2. Even with replacement rates > 100%, many workers continue to find jobs.
3. No evidence that disincentive effects grow over time (diff btw dark blue and light blue lines is roughly constant)
Prior plot defines treatment as binary. Can instead use a continuous measure.
Altogether we find that the supplements reduce the job-finding rate by 0.6 p.p. to 1.1 p.p. per week.

Employment effects -0.2% to -0.6%. Thus UI has *not* been responsible for the slow employment recovery.
The disincentive effect during the pandemic is at the very low end of estimates from the prior literature
In spring of 2021, “the sun came up”. A huge change in macro conditions. Job openings soared. Vaccines broadly available.
Is the disincentive effect larger once job openings up and vaccines broadly available? No.

This result is more speculative since it relies on (a) no differential trends assumption holding over a long time period and (b) inclusion of state / industry fixed effects as a control
Finally, reservation wages (and accepted wages) are way up in the recession.

A common view is to attribute this to the effects of UI.
In qualitative terms, I think the available data are inconsistent with this
1. Improbable that UI could NOT have much effect on emp but WOULD still be pushing up res wages by 25%
2. Other measures of labor *demand* are up too
(h/t @Simon_Mongey for helping me to think thru this)
The labor market is hot and pandemic UI doesn't currently seem to be a big driver of the challenges (low employment growth) or the successes (high wage growth)
Caveats:
* Analysis above is only for new jobs. We haven’t quantified effect on recalls yet
* Effects only measured through mid-May
* Supplements are one part of pandemic UI. Other two parts are longer benefits (PEUC) and new eligibility (PUA). I expect there to be a lot of studies looking at states that cut off pandemic UI early. So far it looks like a *noisy* zero.
We are still working on this project, would love to hear your comments!
We also released a report on PUA today, details here

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More from @p_ganong

29 Jul
New research on Pandemic Unemployment Assistance by JPMC Institute w @FionaGreigDC @Dan_M_Sullivan @pascaljnoel @JoeVavra

PUA is for people not eligible for regular UI

PUA meaningfully insures inc risk, but w/much longer wait for benefits!

jpmorganchase.com/content/dam/jp…
The plot above shows that for people who got regular UI in 2019, non-UI income falls at exactly the same time that UI kicks in (green line).

Regular UI in 2020 (orange line) income starts to fall four weeks before UI kicks in

PUA (blue) income starts to fall ten weeks before
There is also a smaller decline in income after UI receipt for the blue line. Two likely interpretations:
--PUA recipients account for smaller share of HH income
--some PUA recipients have already gone back to work by the time they finally get their benefits
Read 4 tweets
28 Jul
Why is UI hard to access?

Most policy discussions (rightly) focus on issues of state capacity.

Amazing paper by Sorkin, Lachowska, and Woodbury focus on *firms* who make it hard to get UI and the seamy underbelly of experience rating.
I think of this as the academic paper which captures @IndivarD's political economy model of a major problem with the UI system
Experience rating is the system where firms that lay off more workers pay more in UI taxes.

Goal: discourage layoffs
Read 6 tweets
16 Jul
Millions of people have had federal UI benefits cut off

Stated goal: speed the labor market recovery.

Is it working?

Tldr: It’s going to be really hard to use state employment data to do a good job of answering this question.

Looks like a noisy 0
So far, 26 governors have announced plans to cut off at least some federal benefits. 20 are cutting off all benefits by July 5. This is where we might expect to see the biggest effects.
In those states, over 1 million people had their benefits fully cut off and another 1+ million people lost the supplement by July 5.
Read 17 tweets
15 Apr
“Should you coauthor your JMP?”

Motivated by @RyanReedHill and @carolyn_sms thread, @pascaljnoel and I decided to write our own coauthored JMP thread.

The “Hillstein” thread is excellent, but there are three additional *upsides* to doing this which we want to share!
1) Research is emotionally difficult, at least for me. I *hated* working alone. I was on leave when @pascaljnoel and I started working together in earnest. There’s a good chance I would not have finished my PhD if we hadn’t started working together.
Ask yourself “If you are going to work long hours and push your limits, would you rather do that alone or as part of a team?”
Read 15 tweets
11 Feb
🚨 new paper on labor market & expanded UI benefits 🚨

Tldr: spending ⬆️ more than expected,
job search ⬇️ order of magnitude less than expected

1) rise of repeat unemployment
2) effect of UI on spending
3) effect of UI on job search
4) connections to current policy debate
“Spending and Job Search Impacts of Expanded Unemployment Benefits: Evidence from Administrative Micro Data”
With @FionaGreigDC @maxliebeskind @pascaljnoel @Dan_M_Sullivan @JoeVavra
bfi.uchicago.edu/working-paper/…
1) we can track workers’ experiences over the course of pandemic

Confirm well-known fact: long-term unemployment is high

New finding: *repeat* unemployment has been rising. (Estimates of long-term unemployment in the CPS miss this since they only ask about most recent spell)
Read 24 tweets
7 Jan
Newly published paper by @danascoot @finamor_lucas which has I think the best evidence to date on the incentive effects of the $600 weekly supplement (🧵)
The paper uses time clock data from small biz, many of which are restaurants. they compare workers with higher and lower earnings in 2019 & ask "were workers with lower earnings in 2019 (and therefore higher benefit replacement rates) slower to return to work after expiration?"
Read 6 tweets

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