Disincentive remains small even after job openings up
An overarching theme of the pandemic has been to view the supplements as responsible for the biggest problems (slow employment recovery, usually conservatives) and the biggest successes (rising wages at the bottom, usually liberals).
Our results are inconsistent with both views.
Instead, it makes sense to think of the effects of pandemic UI primarily as an ambitious anti-poverty policy. I can’t think of a time before when a country gave *full* insurance to earnings losses (examples welcome in the comments)
“Micro and Macro Disincentive Effects of Expanded Unemployment Benefits”
Why would we use bank data to study this question?
* 1.2 million spells, so our estimates much more precise than survey data
* trace out effects of policies week by week
* observe people actually getting benefits
* separate recalls from new job starts
What’s new? Last time we produced estimates from expiration of $600 which relied heavily on a structural model. Now our estimates rely on more traditional applied micro assumptions.
First we look at the “macro” effect (the effect of increasing benefits for all workers)
Small increase in the job-finding rate when $600 expires and small decrease at $300 onset
Small effect is precisely estimated: p-value of .03 if timing of policy change is random
Second we look at the “micro” effect (the effect of increasing benefits for one worker)
Idea: $300 raises replacement rates most for low-inc workers. Compare workers with higher and lower replacement rates from the $300
Three key lessons: 1. Modest disincentive effect 2. Even with replacement rates > 100%, many workers continue to find jobs. 3. No evidence that disincentive effects grow over time (diff btw dark blue and light blue lines is roughly constant)
Prior plot defines treatment as binary. Can instead use a continuous measure.
Altogether we find that the supplements reduce the job-finding rate by 0.6 p.p. to 1.1 p.p. per week.
Employment effects -0.2% to -0.6%. Thus UI has *not* been responsible for the slow employment recovery.
The disincentive effect during the pandemic is at the very low end of estimates from the prior literature
In spring of 2021, “the sun came up”. A huge change in macro conditions. Job openings soared. Vaccines broadly available.
Is the disincentive effect larger once job openings up and vaccines broadly available? No.
This result is more speculative since it relies on (a) no differential trends assumption holding over a long time period and (b) inclusion of state / industry fixed effects as a control
Finally, reservation wages (and accepted wages) are way up in the recession.
A common view is to attribute this to the effects of UI.
In qualitative terms, I think the available data are inconsistent with this 1. Improbable that UI could NOT have much effect on emp but WOULD still be pushing up res wages by 25% 2. Other measures of labor *demand* are up too
(h/t @Simon_Mongey for helping me to think thru this)
The labor market is hot and pandemic UI doesn't currently seem to be a big driver of the challenges (low employment growth) or the successes (high wage growth)
Caveats:
* Analysis above is only for new jobs. We haven’t quantified effect on recalls yet
* Effects only measured through mid-May
* Supplements are one part of pandemic UI. Other two parts are longer benefits (PEUC) and new eligibility (PUA). I expect there to be a lot of studies looking at states that cut off pandemic UI early. So far it looks like a *noisy* zero.
The plot above shows that for people who got regular UI in 2019, non-UI income falls at exactly the same time that UI kicks in (green line).
Regular UI in 2020 (orange line) income starts to fall four weeks before UI kicks in
PUA (blue) income starts to fall ten weeks before
There is also a smaller decline in income after UI receipt for the blue line. Two likely interpretations:
--PUA recipients account for smaller share of HH income
--some PUA recipients have already gone back to work by the time they finally get their benefits
Millions of people have had federal UI benefits cut off
Stated goal: speed the labor market recovery.
Is it working?
Tldr: It’s going to be really hard to use state employment data to do a good job of answering this question.
Looks like a noisy 0
So far, 26 governors have announced plans to cut off at least some federal benefits. 20 are cutting off all benefits by July 5. This is where we might expect to see the biggest effects.
In those states, over 1 million people had their benefits fully cut off and another 1+ million people lost the supplement by July 5.
1) Research is emotionally difficult, at least for me. I *hated* working alone. I was on leave when @pascaljnoel and I started working together in earnest. There’s a good chance I would not have finished my PhD if we hadn’t started working together.
Ask yourself “If you are going to work long hours and push your limits, would you rather do that alone or as part of a team?”
1) we can track workers’ experiences over the course of pandemic
Confirm well-known fact: long-term unemployment is high
New finding: *repeat* unemployment has been rising. (Estimates of long-term unemployment in the CPS miss this since they only ask about most recent spell)
Newly published paper by @danascoot@finamor_lucas which has I think the best evidence to date on the incentive effects of the $600 weekly supplement (🧵)
The paper uses time clock data from small biz, many of which are restaurants. they compare workers with higher and lower earnings in 2019 & ask "were workers with lower earnings in 2019 (and therefore higher benefit replacement rates) slower to return to work after expiration?"